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UNIVERSITY OF COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATISM (what is this?) 

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COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATISM 202B*
*Bush administration lies and deception moral clarity, honesty and integrity
on the
Economy, Budget and Taxes - Part II 

In this course you will learn about the abundant lies, deception or intent to deceive moral clarity, honesty and integrity displayed by compassionate conservative2 George W. Bush (and his administration speaking on his behalf) on the issue of the Economy, Budget and Taxes - Part II. This part covers his (Government's) statements on the 2003 Tax Cuts including the Dividend Tax Cuts and other Economic Moral Clarity. Make sure you drop by again when the Election 04 (2004) campaign starts picking up steam, so that you can refresh your memory on his compassion. 

Please note that the statements made by Bush or his spokespersons/administration3 - as cited in column 3 of the tables below - are by default extracted from one or more of the links shown in column 4. If the source of the statements is different from the link(s) in column 4, then a URL is explicitly provided in column 3. For feedback and corrections, please go here.

A detailed acknowledgement of the sites from which the information below was obtained is listed at this location. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the following sites where I got the vast majority of links from: PK archiveAtrios/Eschaton, Politics, Law and Autism, Calpundit, Buzzflash, Daily Howler, Thinking it Through, BushwatchSpinsanity

Total Compassion Con credits 2 available from this course to date = 91

Last Update: 10/28/2003

 
Please select one of these sections

Once you are done with the above sections, you may choose another course by picking one of the options below

 

2003 TAX CUTS <go back to the top>

Compassion Con credits total = 70

# Topic Bush's or his representative's Compassionate statement Some Uncompassionate Facts Compassion Con Credits
TC1-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Size Bush

pushing a "$674 B" tax cut plan

 Daily Howler:
"...The Washington Post doesn’t pull many punches in this morning’s editorial, “Stealth Tax Reform.” Remember, the Post has generally supported Bush’s approach to Iraq:
WASHINGTON POST: Imagine that President Bush had a plan to dramatically reshape the federal tax system, eliminating taxes on investment income for most taxpayers, making the tax structure less progressive and providing a boon to the wealthiest Americans. You might think he would mention it during his State of the Union address. You might think he would call it by its name: radical tax reform. 
It turns out that Mr. Bush has such an audacious plan, but he has left it to his Treasury Department and to his 2004 budget proposal, which was released yesterday, to spell it all out. It’s being wheeled into town inside a Trojan horse of private savings accounts...

Daily Howler:
"...In particular, the Post screamed about the unannounced “Trojan horse” Bush’s budget contained, that $1.5 trillion in new proposed tax cuts. In the past few weeks, the president had gone out and misled us again, letting us think that he was proposing about $674 [billion] in new cuts. On Monday, the larger package showed up unannounced in his new budget plan...
Meanwhile, Weisman’s piece today offers only a hint that something odd has occurred: 

WEISMAN (pgh 5): One GOP senator said yesterday that Republicans are worried Bush is “overreaching” by pushing for larger tax cuts than “he originally let on but at the same driving up deficits” to new heights.
A GOP senator notes that Bush’s proposed cuts are “larger than he originally let on.” Pravda-trained readers will take meaning from that, perhaps realizing that Bush has now submitted cuts than that are twice the size of the cuts he had seemed to disclose. On Tuesday, the Post recoiled at Bold Leader’s conduct. Today, a reader would have to do between lines to learn that massive new cuts have in fact been proposed...
Has a bigger fake ever lived in the White House? As a candidate, Bush faked and falsified his actual values, making us think that he was carefully calibrating his tax cut plan to produce long-term balanced budgets. We were told that the tax cut package of $1.3 trillion over ten years was all that the numbers would allow. But in 2001, Bush passed a slightly larger tax-cut plan—and now he seeks additional cuts that are even larger than that initial package, the one over which he pretended to agonize. Plainly, Bush’s ongoing conduct bears no relation to the posing which drove his campaign. And he presents this new plan in the dead of the night - refusing even to tell his subjects about his new, large proposals. What kind of a man behaves in this way—hiding behind a war and a space disaster to peddle plans he’s too craven to acknowledge? Perhaps you know what kind of man—a Dear Leader behaves in this way..."

1
TC1-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Size Bush

referred to his tax cut proposal as a $674 billion 10-year plan

 Richard Cogan (CBPP page 26):
"...
The Administration estimates that its "growth package" will reduce tax revenue and increase expenditures by $674 billion over the period 2003-2013. This figure does not include the cost for higher interest payments on the debt that would result from the package. These increased interest costs, which would be an inevitable result of the plan, would total at least $250 billion over this period. The total cost of the package to the Treasury — and the amount by which deficits would increase (or surpluses be reduced in the unlikely event that surpluses return during this period) would be at least $925 billion..."
1
TC2-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Individuals
Bush

"Under this plan, 92 million  Americans receive an average tax cut of $1,083," Mr. Bush said.  "That's fair." 

 Washington Post:
"...No, it's deceptive. The vast majority of taxpayers -- 80  percent -- would receive less than that amount, according to data from the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax  Policy Center. For the truly typical household -- filers  in the middle fifth of the income spectrum -- the  average tax cut would be $256. Almost half of all taxpayers would see their taxes drop by less than $100.  At the top of the income pyramid, however, the tax  savings would be huge; the top 1 percent of filers would  receive an average tax cut of $24,100. The average tax  cut touted by Mr. Bush is more than $1,000 only because the savings for the wealthiest Americans are so large..."

Also see CBPP, Spinsanity, PLA, Daily Howler

1
TC2-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal for Individuals (Seniors) Bush

"...In the section titled "For Everyone Willing To Work, A Job", Bush claims that "32 million seniors would receive, on average, a tax cut of $2,042." But his official talking points actually claim far less, stating that "13 million elderly taxpayers would receive an average tax cut of $1,384"..."

 Brendan Nyhan (Spinsanity):
"...(Note: This is yet another misleading administration average - the left-leaning Center on Budget and Policy Priorities [CBPP] concluded that 79 percent of seniors would get less than $1,384, and 40 percent would get under $100.) The center-left Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center defined the issue in similar terms, analyzing the benefits of the plan for 15 million elderly tax filers (including joint returns in which at least one person is over 65), whom it found would receive an average tax cut of $1,095. [8K PDF] (Again, benefits vary widely by income group.) 
Bush did claim that one group would receive an average tax cut of $2,042, but it wasn't seniors. The administration talking points state that "23 million small business owners would receive tax cuts averaging $2,042." It appears that the 23 was reversed, and attributed to seniors rather than small business owners. Such sloppiness in a highly vetted document is troubling, especially given the administration's pattern of deceptive budget and tax salesmanship..."
2
TC2-03 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal for Individuals
(Single Women)
Bush

"...the Administration says the average tax cut among six million single women with children would be $541..."

 Isaac Shapiro, Joel Friedman (CBPP page 12):
"...
Yet 85 percent of such women would receive tax cuts of less than $500, and 49 percent would receive nothing. The average is $541 because a small number of such women would receive massive tax cuts, thereby raising the average..."
1
TC2-04 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Individuals
Bush

"..."under this plan, a family of four  with an income of $40,000 will  receive a 96 percent reduction in federal  income taxes...The income taxes would  drop from $1,178 a year to $45 a year."  The White House fact sheet similarly claims  that "A typical family of four with two  earners making a combined $39,000 in income would receive a total of $1,100  in tax relief under the President's plan."..." 

 Spinsanity:
"...Both claims are misleading in that they carefully select  a household which would benefit disproportionately for  its income level. As noted above, according to calculations  by CTJ, the middle 20 percent of earners, who make an  average of $36,600 per year, would receive an average  benefit of just $289. The White House's theoretical family  does better than this by virtue of having two children,  allowing it to take advantage of  the additional child tax credit. It also benefits from the accelerated marriage penalty phaseout..."

Spinsanity:
"...Bush claimed on April 24 that "If you're a family of four, making $40,000 a year, this tax plan will reduce your taxes from $1,178 to $45 -- a family of four, $40,000." He then suggested a few moments later, "that thousand dollars a year will mean a lot. Tax relief is good for the average citizen." He has repeated the statistic on a number of occasions, most recently a May 6 speech to the US Chamber of Commerce. 
As we have pointed out before, while the tax reduction Bush advertises for this theoretical family is technically correct, it benefits disproportionately for a household of its income level. Bush's suggestion that the hypothetical family's benefit demonstrates that "[t]ax relief is good for the average citizen" is also misleading and unrepresentative..."

2
TC2-05 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal for Individuals (This is a more compassionate variant of the one above)

Bush

"...Earlier this month, speaking to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Washington, Bush explained, "You'll hear all kinds of rhetoric about how this plan is not fair. Well, let me just describe to you what it means to the family of four making forty thousand dollars a year. It means their taxes would go from one thousand one hundred seventy-eight dollars a year to forty-five dollars a year. ... That sounds fair to me."..."

 Jonathan Chait (The New Republic):
"...The clear impression is that Bush is fighting to cut taxes for middle-income families, and Democrats (along with some moderate Republicans) are resisting. In fact, this is the opposite of the truth. First, the $40,000-per-year family won't pay only $45 in taxes, since they'll still owe $6,120 in payroll taxes, which Bush ignores. Second, their savings from the Bush plan would come from three elements: increasing the child tax credit ($800), expanding the level of income subject to the low 10 percent tax bracket ($100), and reducing the "marriage penalty" ($233). These cuts, all of which enjoy broad bipartisan support, would only cost $157 billion over ten years--less than one-quarter of the total cost of Bush's plan. What have drawn real opposition are Bush's upper-bracket rate cuts and his repeal of the dividend tax, which will cost in excess of $500 billion over the next ten years and will benefit the rich almost exclusively. Bush could have won a sweeping majority for the middle-class cuts if he had dropped his insistence on the upper-class ones. But he didn't, because the former are merely a sweetener to help him obtain the latter. Indeed, when the Senate voted to reduce the size of the tax cuts, conservative Republicans suggested removing the middle-class provisions altogether so they could squeeze in more upper-bracket cuts.

Andrew Lee, Isaac Shapiro (CBPP):
"...
The family of four making $40,000 would receive a 96 percent cut in federal income taxes. The family’s federal income tax liability would fall from $1,178 to $45.  This family, however, pays much more in federal payroll taxes than in federal income taxes.  When one includes just the family’s employee share of $3,060 in payroll taxes, they would receive a more modest 27 percent cut in federal income and payroll taxes.  Furthermore, most economists have concluded that workers bear the burden of both the employee and the employer payroll taxes, with the employer portion being passed on to workers in the form of lower wages.  If one includes both the employee and employer portions, the family pays $6,120 in payroll taxes and would receive a 16 percent reduction in federal income and payroll taxes under the Administration’s plan. 
A recent analysis from the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center shows that among tax filers with wage earnings, 90 percent of those with income below $100,000 pay more in payroll taxes than in individual income taxes.*..."

2
TC2-06 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Individuals
Bush 

"...The administration's fact sheet also  suggests that beneficiaries of the tax cuts  will include "Everyone who pays taxes,  especially middle-income Americans, as tax  rate reductions passed by Congress in 2001 are made effective immediately." Bush,  referencing the 2001 tax cut that he  is proposing to accelerate, made a similar assertion yesterday, claiming that "it was tax relief for all citizens. We've reduced the tax rate for everybody  who pays taxes."..." 

 Spinsanity:
"...Both of these claims, while appearing to be expansive,  depend on narrowing the definition of "taxpayer" to  include only those paying federal income taxes.  Many workers in lower income brackets pay no federal  income taxes, but do have Social Security and Medicare  taxes deducted from their paychecks, pay sales and excise  taxes, and sometimes pay state income taxes. Because  they will not benefit from the proposed federal tax rate  reductions, only those few with dividend income  would realize any benefit from the current proposal...."

1
TC2-07 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Individuals
Bush administration

"...Another argument that administration officials make regularly is that under the president's plan, the wealthy would bear a larger share of the nation's tax burden than they do now. A table released last month by the Treasury's office of tax analysis showed that people with incomes over $100,000 would see their share of all income taxes rise to 73.3 percent from the current 72.4 percent. At the same time, the table showed, taxpayers with incomes of $30,000 to $40,000 would get a 20.1 percent reduction in income taxes, and those earning $40,000 to $50,000 would get a 14.1 percent cut...."

 David Rosenbaum (New York Times):
"...The problem with figures like those is that a large percentage of a small amount of money may be less important to a low- or middle-income family's lifestyle than a small percentage of a large amount of money would be to a rich family. For example, a $50 tax cut would be a 50 percent reduction for a household that owed only $100 in taxes to start with, but that small amount of money would not significantly improve the family's well-being.
A better measure may be the increase in after-tax income, or take-home pay, that would result from tax cuts. According to data from the Joint Congressional Committee on Taxation, the tax reduction of $380 for a family with an income of $45,000 would amount to less than 1 percent of the household's after-tax income. But the $12,496 tax cut received by a family with an income of $525,000 would mean a 3 percent increase in money left after taxes..."
1
TC3-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Small 
Businesses
Bush 

"We estimate that 23 million  small-business owners across  America will receive an average income tax rate cut of $2,042," Mr. Bush said. "That matters."

 Washington Post
:"...Again, misleading. As with the individual taxpayer  statistics, the Tax Policy Center estimates that nearly  four out of five tax filers with small-business income  would receive less than that amount. More than half  would receive $500 or less. Nearly a quarter would receive no tax cut at all -- a group that doesn't drag down  Mr. Bush's average because it's simply not included  in the calculation. But a small number of wealthy  individuals with small-business income would  receive huge tax cuts, once again inflating the average..."

Also see: Paul Krugman (NYTimes)

2
TC3-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut 
Proposal for
Small 
Businesses
Bush

"...In his radio address, the President also echoed a claim contained in a recent Treasury press release that small business owners would benefit greatly from his proposal to accelerate the reduction in the top income tax rate, because two-thirds of those who pay the top rate are small business owners. .."

 Andrew Lee (CBPP):
"...
This statement, as well, is misleading in two respects.
The Administration is claiming that 500,000 of the 750,000 tax filers who pay the top rate — or two-thirds of them — are small business owners.  Even if this claim were valid, it would not mean that the reduction in the top rate would broadly help small businesses.  The 500,000 “small business owners” said to pay the top rate would, by the Treasury’s own figures, constitute only two percent of small business owners...
In addition, the contention that 500,000 of those tax filers who pay the top tax rate are small business owners is derived by counting all tax filers with some small business income as “small business owners.”  Wealthy individuals who do not run small businesses and simply have passive investments in partnerships, S corporations, and the like are thereby presented as “small business owners,” as though they ran a corner store.  Analysis by Citizens for Tax Justice finds that when sole proprietorships with positive business income are examined (as distinguished from individuals who do not run small businesses but have passive business investments, as well as doctors and lawyers who are in partnerships), only about one-fourth of those who pay the top income tax rate turn out to be business owners...
Careful examination of the data indicates that the impact of the proposed tax cuts on most people with small business income would, in fact, be modest and that a key feature of the plan actually could have a negative impact on small businesses. Although the plan includes an “expensing” provision that is targeted toward small businesses and would be beneficial for them, the package’s largest provision — the exclusion of corporate dividends from individual income taxation — could hurt small businesses in two ways.  First, reducing taxes on corporate dividends would attract investment dollars away from small businesses into corporate stocks that issue tax-free dividends.  Second, by increasing the attractiveness of dividend-paying stocks relative to bonds and also by increasing long-term deficits, the dividend exclusion would likely raise long-term interest rates.  These higher interest rates would raise the cost of borrowing for small businesses and partly mitigate the benefits of the expensing provision..."
3
TC4-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal for Corporations Bush administration

"...In instances where both the corporation and the shareholder are paying taxes at the maximum rate, it is possible, as the administration maintains, for 60 percent of the profits to be taxed away..."

 David Rosenbaum (New York Times):
"...But calculations based on I.R.S. data and performed by Robert S. McIntyre of the nonpartisan Citizens for Tax Justice show that on average, only 19 percent of corporate profits are paid in taxes by companies and shareholders combined..."
1
TC5-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Fleischer for Bush

"...The President doesn't look at the American people and say, I'm from the government, I know who the right people are -- I'm from the government, I know who the wrong people are. The President believes that's a divisive approach."..."

 David Corn (The Nation) via Bushwatch:
"...But the President does indeed say, "I'm from the government, and I know who the right people are." In this instance, he is saying that the "right people" (those deserving of a tax cut) are people who hold stocks--outside of 401(k)s and other tax-free retirement accounts--that pay out dividends. What about investors who place their money elsewhere? Why won't interest on a certificate of deposit be tax-free, under the new Bush plan? Bush is indeed deciding who gets a break. He also proposed expanding the child credit. That hardly rewards singles or couples without young ones. Tax policy is about choices, about who gets what--and choices deserve to be judged...."
1
TC5-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Bush

"..."I understand the politics of economic stimulus, that some would like to turn this into class warfare," Bush said last week as he was giving reporters a tour of that very nice ranch he owns in Crawford, Tex. "That's not how I think."..."

 E. J. Dionne (Washington Post):
"...But it would be easier to respect this attack on class warfare if the president and his allies disavowed such belligerency themselves. Alas, they don't. They just play a different kind of class politics by demonizing those elites who are not on their approved list of corporate chiefs, oil millionaires, heirs to large fortunes and the like. The president, for example, loves to bash the rich if they got that way by being trial lawyers...He declared that "what we want is quality health care, not rich trial lawyers."...Almost daily, Republicans attack privileged groups: "the cultural elite," "the Hollywood elite," "the intellectual elite" and, of course, "the liberal elite." Bush merged some of these categories in 1994 when he was running for governor of Texas. No slouch as a fundraiser himself, he chided Ann Richards, his opponent, for going to California to raise money from the "liberal elite."..."
1
TC5-03 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Fleischer for Bush

"...it's inaccurate to say that the benefits will go to the wealthy" and that "because it's inaccurate, [this criticism] is used in...a way to divide and to play class warfare, in an effort to portray some Americans as unworthy of tax relief and other Americans as worthy of tax relief based on their class."..."

Bush

"...PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS that, when crafting a tax plan, the government shouldn't be in the business of picking winners and losers..."

 David Corn (The Nation) via Bushwatch:
"...Using Fleischer's standard, Bush, by focusing on income taxes as opposed to, say, payroll taxes, is determining that low-income Americans (who do not make enough to pay income taxes but who are hit by payroll taxes) are "unworthy of tax relief." Moreover, what is inaccurate about the charge that the rich would make out like bandits under Bush's tax proposal? Citizens for Tax Justice report that one-third of the tax cut would flow to the top 1 percent (taxpayers with incomes over $374,000) in 2003. Almost half would go to the top 5 percent ($154,000 and above.) As for the top 20 percent ($77,000 and up)--they would get over three-quarters. The lower 60 percent (those pulling in $46,000 and less) would bag only 8.4 percent. How could Fleischer claim that a plan that eliminates dividend taxes and lowers the top income tax rate does not reward the well-to-do? But he did. The CTJ numbers would have to be inverted--be off by a factor of 7 or more--for Fleischer to be in the right...."

Washington Post:
"...PRESIDENT BUSH SAYS that, when crafting a tax plan, the government shouldn't be in the business of picking winners and losers. But the tax bills making their way through Congress do precisely that -- and you can probably guess how things are turning out.
The winners are those at the top of the income scale, and not just because they pay more taxes to begin with. Both the House and the Senate would speed up cuts in individual income tax rates passed in 2001. For three income brackets, rates would drop by 2 percentage points. But the top rate falls by 3.6 percentage points, from 38.6 percent to 35 percent. One argument for this is that it would help small businesses, many of which pay taxes at individual rates. But only 2 percent of taxpayers with small-business income pay the top rate -- and many of these are not mom-and-pop businesses but rather wealthy individuals with complex tax returns full of partnerships and royalty income and the like. The losers are those near the bottom: low-income working families eligible to receive money under the Earned Income Tax Credit..."

2
TC5-04 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Fleischer for Bush

"..."Let me address," he said, "one thing about why this issue about who benefits from tax cuts, I think, is such a different issue in Washington than it is in the real world. If you make $30,000 a year, and you pay, for example, $2,000 in taxes, and you receive a $1,000 tax cut, you just received a 50 percent cut in your taxes. A thousand dollars to somebody who makes $30,000 a year means all the world to them. It is a huge difference in their life. Take somebody toward the top end of the scale, somebody who makes $200,000, and they pay $50,000 in taxes. To begin with, they pay far more in income taxes, a point which opponents of the President never make. They pay far more in income taxes than others who earn less. They receive a tax cut that in dollar amounts may be larger than somebody who receives less. To them, that tax cut won't change their life as much as it does somebody who doesn't earn as much. Their life will change more so, more beneficially, than somebody toward the top."..."

David Corn (The Nation) via Bushwatch:
"...In promoting Bush's contribution to progressive taxation, Fleischer undermined part of the reasoning for the tax cuts...First, his example is not supported by the CTJ numbers. According to that analysis, the average taxpayer in the $29,000-to-$46,000 income group (the middle 20 percent) will receive a total of $289 from these tax cuts in 2003. That's much less than the $1000 figure Fleischer used in his anecdote. Putting that aside, Fleischer was essentially arguing that the big earners won't see their lives changed drastically by the tax cuts. So why bother? Why defund the federal government--at a time of war, maybe two wars, maybe more--if it's no big diff to the main beneficiaries? Similarly, if it's so important to have a large impact on the lives of the lower earners, why not send more relief their way?..."

Compassiongate: Note that the mendacity compassion on tax cuts is so robust that arguments are being made for tax cuts from completely contradictory positions. The supply side tax cut push (previous row) makes the exact opposite case for why these tax cuts need to focus on the rich

2
TC5-05 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Bush

"...Oh, you'll hear the talk about how this plan only helps the rich people. That's just typical Washington, D.C., political rhetoric, is what that is. That's just empty rhetoric..."

 Michael Kinsley (Time):
"...Bush creates a straw man: the critic who says his plan "only helps the rich." The actual criticism is that it mainly helps the rich. The much smaller tax breaks for lower-income people are vital too. They provide cover and act as a bribe. For a few hundred dollars, the government buys your support for a plan worth millions to those who already have millions..."
1
TC5-06 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and targeted recipients Bush

"...declared several weeks ago in promoting his proposal, “My jobs and growth plan would reduce tax rates for everyone who pays income tax."..."

 Robert Greenstein (CBPP):
"...The Tax Policy Center analysis shows that 8.1 million lower and middle-income taxpayers, who pay billions of dollars a year in income taxes, will receive no tax reduction under the legislation [signed ultimately by Bush]...These taxpayers also would have received no tax reductions under the Administration’s plan..."
1
TC6-01 2003 Bush Dividend Tax Cut 
Proposal 
(for Seniors)
Bush 

"..."It means that 10 million seniors,  nearly one in four, who receive  dividend income will get relief,"  Mr. Bush said of his plan to cut  dividend taxes. "Now, that's important. Getting rid of the  double taxation of dividends is  an incredibly positive thing for the quality of life  of our seniors."

 Washington Post:
"...Some seniors would see their quality of life  improve a lot more than others, however. You  can probably guess which ones. A big slice of  the dividend tax cut -- 37 percent -- would indeed go  to seniors. But the majority of elderly people -- the two-thirds with incomes below $50,000 --  would save on average $325 or less. Meanwhile, a small  number of high-income elderly would reap most of the  benefits. More than three-quarters of the part of the  dividend tax break that would go to the elderly would  flow to the 19 percent of senior citizens with incomes  above $75,000; 43 percent of the benefits would  go to the richest in that group, the 2.5 percent  of senior citizens with incomes greater than  $200,000. They would save an average of more  than $5,000.
Mr. Bush must know how phony his  "averages" are. Any time a salesman has to resort to  such deceptive tactics, the customer ought to  be wary about what is being sold...."

Also see CBPP

1
TC6-02 2003 Bush  Dividend Tax Cut Proposal (for Seniors) Bush

"...talking points state that "[a]lmost half of all savings from the dividend exclusion under the President's plan would go to taxpayers 65 and older. The average tax savings for the 9.8 million seniors receiving dividends would be $936."..."

 Brendan Nyhan (Spinsanity):
"...This $936 figure is yet another misleading administration average. As with most such figures, it exaggerates the benefits of the tax proposal at hand because dividend tax payments - like income tax payments - are concentrated toward the top of the income scale, which skews the average upward..."
1
TC6-03 2003 Bush  Dividend Tax Cut Proposal (for Seniors) Fleischer for Bush

"...Press Secretary Ari Fleischer elaborated on the putative benefits to seniors with an array of statistics during a briefing on the plan on January 7: Of the 12.6 million taxpayers 65 and older with income over $15,000, 58 percent receive dividends...There are 8.2 million taxpayers 65 and older with income over $30,000 a year, 66 percent of them receive dividends. So clearly, the number of seniors receiving dividends goes down far lower on the income scale [than reporters had implied in questioning him]..."

 Brendan Nyhan (Spinsanity):
"...However, new data from the center-left Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center [6K PDF] shows how Fleischer's numbers are carefully constructed with a lower bound that makes it appear that many more low- and moderate-income seniors receive dividend income than is actually the case. Only 21.3% of those making $10,000-$20,000 would have their taxes reduced at all as a result of the elimination on income taxes on dividend payments, along with 39.7% of those making $20,000-$30,000 and 47.1% of those making $30,000-$40,000. These senior income groups as a whole will receive average tax cuts of $26, $89 and $170, respectively. And as with the public as a whole, the benefits of the dividend tax proposal are concentrated among the higher income elderly - the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities found that "[m]ore than three-quarters of the benefits that would go to the elderly from this tax cut [the elimination of taxes on dividends] would flow to the 19 percent of elderly with incomes above $75,000" and nearly 43% would go to those with incomes greater than $200,000..."
1
TC6-04 2003 Bush Dividend 
Tax Cut 
Proposal
Rove for Bush

"...Bush political adviser Karl Rove  said Bush's plan to abolish the  dividend tax was evidence that he's  "a populist. Give him a choice between  Wall Street and Main Street and  he'll choose Main Street every time." As evidence, Rove argued that "45  percent of all of the dividend income  goes to people with $50,000-or-less  incomes, family incomes. Nearly  three-quarters of it goes to  families with $100,000 or  less family income."..."

 Andrew Lee, Robert Greenstein, Isaac Shapiro (CBPP page 6)
"...These statements mislead because they count a person with $20 in dividend income the same as a person with $20,000 in dividend income. While many people receive dividends, most receive only small amounts. The distribution of dividend income is very skewed. 
People with income below $50,000 account for over 40 percent of those receiving dividends, but they get only 18.5 percent of all dividend income. 
Furthermore, according to the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center,
people under $50,000 would receive only 6.7 percent of the tax cut from the Administration’s proposal to eliminate the taxation of dividends. 
Similarly, while people with incomes below $100,000 make up three-fourths of those who receive dividends, they get only 37 percent of all dividend income and would receive only 21 percent of the proposed tax cut on dividends..."
2
TC6-05 2003 Bush Dividend Tax Cut Proposal Cheney for Bush

"..."Other critics have suggested that ending the double taxation of dividends is somehow tilted toward a small number of wealthy beneficiaries. The fact is that 54 million Americans own stocks that pay dividends." He then argued that "45 percent of all dividend recipients make under $50,000 per year," while "[t]hree-fourths of them make less than $100,000 per year."..."

 Brendan Nyhan (Spinsanity):
"...As we have demonstrated, however, the 54 million figure cited by Cheney is misleading because it includes approximately 19 million Americans whose dividend payments accrue solely in tax-free retirement accounts and would therefore not benefit directly from the President's plan; this is why the administration's official talking points use a figure of 35 million...
Rove is completely wrong about the distribution of dividend income, as Dana Milbank pointed out in the Washington Post (CG - see above)...For the same reason, Cheney's statistics are misleading. By emphasizing the number of people who receive any dividend income, he implies that the benefits of the elimination of taxes on dividends would be more evenly distributed than the statistics bear out..."
2
TC7-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and economic growth Bush and others

"...suggested that the economic projections put out by the Blue Chip Economic Forecast, a survey of 53 private-sector economists, are predicated on the passage of his tax cut proposals...White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer made the same claim in a press briefing just prior to Bush's speech..."

 Spinsanity
"...As reported by Newsday, Randall Moore, editor of the Blue Chip Forecast, took umbrage with Bush's claim. According to the paper, Moore told the White House that "It looks like you guys are saying the Blue Chip endorses the president's proposal. That's not the case."
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TC7-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and economic growth Bush

"...In Ohio last month, Bush said senators "might have some explaining to do" for approving "a little bitty tax relief package" of $350 billion. "The package ought to be at least $550 billion in size over a 10-year period in order to make sure that the economy grows," he said..."

 

Richard Kogan (CBPP):
"...the President said...that the war and the recession caused those deficits.  He declared “Now, you hear talk about deficits.  And I’m concerned about deficits.  I’m sure you are as well.  But this nation has got a deficit because we have been through a war.”  Three sentences later, the President added:  “And we had an emergency and a recession, which affected the revenue growth of the U.S. Treasury.”[1]. Yet the cost of war, though by no means trivial, is responsible for only a small share of the deficits we face.  The President’s tax cuts are a much more significant cause.  Congressional Budget Office data indicate that in 2003 and 2004, the cost of enacted and proposed tax cuts is more than three times as great as the cost of war, even when the cost of increases in homeland security expenditures, the rebuilding after September 11, and other costs of the war on terrorism — including the action in Afghanistan — are counted as “war costs,” along with the costs of the military operations and subsequent reconstruction in Iraq...
Finally, in his Canton speech, the President said that those who supported scaling back the tax cuts he proposed in February to $350 billion “are for a little bitty tax relief package.”  Yet that $350 billion figure is far larger than the approximately $200 billion provided or requested for war, anti-terrorism efforts abroad and at home, and reconstruction after September 11, 2001 .  It is difficult to square the claim that the costs of the war have been so large that they have caused the return of deficits with the argument that the $350 billion for tax cuts is a “little bitty” amount..."

CBS News:
"...President Bush celebrated a package of tax cuts..."This achievement is a victory for every family struggling to pay the bills, every entrepreneur hoping to expand the business and create new jobs and every American looking for work."...Mr. Bush's enthusiasm contrasted with his earlier criticism of a package that was even larger - the $350 billion version originally approved by the Senate. 
In Ohio last month, Mr. Bush campaigned against that bill and insisted only a package of at least $550 billion would "make sure that the economy grows." 
"Why are they for a little-bitty tax relief package?" he said of senators who opposed his bid for larger cuts. 
Anticipating the questions, the White House compiled numbers showing that the final version, while smaller overall, offers bigger relief in its first two years. Mr. Bush's original proposal for $726 billion in tax reductions through 2013 included $191 billion in cuts the first two years, compared with $226 billion in the final bill..."
Compassiongate: President Bush clearly criticized the total size of the tax package (indicating it had better be higher than $550 billion, and not the immediate tax reductions for 2003 and 2004 - so the explanation for his "change of heart" is at best compassionate).

Dana Milbank and Jim VandeHei (Washington Post):
"...In brokering and celebrating a $350 billion tax-and-spending package he derided less than a month earlier, President Bush and top aides this week made the calculation that it was more important to have a tax cut than to stand on principle over its size and content...

it was a different Bush who appeared in the Capitol yesterday to congratulate lawmakers for reaching agreement on a $350 billion plan with $318 billion of tax cuts over 10 years. "I look forward to signing the economic recovery bill soon," he said. "This bill I'm going to sign is good for American workers, it is good for American families, it is good for American investors and it's good for American entrepreneurs and small-business owners." 
How did Bush go from dismissing a tax cut of this magnitude to hailing it? Bush and his aides, realizing that Republican lawmakers who control both chambers of Congress were in danger of leaving for the Memorial Day recess without a tax agreement, made clear that the president would accept any deal. 
"Politically, it was essential," a Senate GOP aide said. "The president and the Republicans couldn't go into Memorial Day with nothing to show on the economy."

2
TC8-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and the Iraq war Fleischer for Bush:

"...Asked a week ago about McCain's plan to postpone tax cuts until after the war, Fleischer replied that tax cuts would ensure that, "when the war is over, our military has jobs to come home to."..."

Jonathan Chait (The New Republic):
"...Since this seems to be the administration's new line Fleischer has repeated it twice more since it is worth considering in all its glorious absurdity. First, soldiers aren't going to "come home" after the war the way they did after Vietnam. We now have an all-volunteer, professional army, and the administration is not proposing to shrink its size anytime soon. When the war is over, the soldiers will still have jobs as soldiers. Yes, reservists have been called up, but they have a legal right to resume whatever job they left.
Second, given that the administration's budget projects just one month of combat, the war will almost certainly have ended before the tax cuts are even signed into law, let alone have any effect on the economy. One provision of Bush's tax cut, for instance, would make the estate-tax repeal, scheduled to take effect in 2010, permanent. Now, Bush could honestly argue that those soldiers who serve for seven years and then come home and inherit multimillion-dollar fortunes should not have to pay any tax on their windfall. But doing so would deprive his position of its moral punch..."

Also see: Dana Milbank (Washington Post)

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TC8-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and the Iraq war Bush administration

Making various claims about not knowing the costs

  Jonathan Chait (The New Republic):
"...When the Bush administration unveiled its proposed budget early last month, it made no provision at all for war with Iraq. At first, the White House defended this omission by asserting that war might not happen at all. "It would have been very unnatural," argued Budget Director Mitch Daniels on February 3, "to include costs for a conflict that Saddam Hussein could avert at any day by complying with the world community's eleven years of demands that he disarm." (Daniels said this one week after Hans Blix told the United Nations that Saddam was not complying with weapons inspectors and one day after The New York Times detailed the Pentagon's plan for war with Iraq.) After war became a certainty, the Bushies shifted to arguing that they couldn't provide a war estimate because, as Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld put it, "There's no calculation that you can do about all of these variables." This is roughly analogous to parents deciding they're not going to begin a college fund because they don't yet know what schools their kid will attend.
The suspicion all along was that the administration was delaying its war estimate until after Congress acceded to its proposed tax cuts. Last Friday, when a reporter asked White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer if Bush was postponing his request for war funding until Congress approved his budget, Fleischer replied, "No." Then, that very afternoon, the Senate voted down an amendment to halve the tax cut, apparently paving the way for Bush's plan. (A subsequent vote to shrink the tax cut this week came as a surprise.) On Monday, Bush promptly asked Congress for $75 billion to fight the war and begin postwar peacekeeping. Were the two events related? Not at all, insisted an administration official. Rather, the White House was suddenly able to estimate the war's cost because, "We found that there would not be an immediate surrender of the Iraq regime, that there would be some resistance," the official explained. Of course, this explanation came as the Pentagon was telling reporters that it had never assumed otherwise [CG emphasis - see why]..." 
3
TC9-01 Reason(s) for 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

said "...The nation needs quick action by our Congress on a pro-growth economic package.  We need tax relief totaling at least $550 billion to make sure our economy grows.  And American workers and American businesses need every bit of that relief now…” “And a significant part of the benefit [from the tax cut package] to our economy will come within the first two years of the plan.” “…economic and job growth will come when consumers buy more goods and services from businesses such as your own.  And the best and fairest way to make sure Americans can do that is to grant them immediate tax relief so they have more of their own money to spend or save.”..."

  Robert Greenstein and Isaac Shapiro (CBPP):
"...
However, contrary to what the President suggested, most of the tax cuts he has proposed would not have a large immediate impact.  The substantial majority of these tax cuts would occur in years after 2004.  The official estimates of the Joint Committee on Taxation show that fewer than six percent of the tax cuts in the President’s package would occur in the current fiscal year, which ends September 30.  Only 21 percent of the tax cuts would occur by the end of fiscal year 2004.

 

 

 

Administration’s “growth” package, distribution of its tax cuts by fiscal year

2003

5.5%

2004

15.7%

2005-2013

78.8%

..."

1
TC9-02 Reason(s) for 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

has repeatedly pushed the view that tax cuts will create more jobs and boost the economy. For example he said recently - "...I believe we should enact more tax relief, so that we can create more jobs and more Americans can find work and provide for their families..."

Back in early 2002 
Paul Krugman (New York Times):
"...Third, they will claim that the future tax cuts are just what the doctor ordered to deal with the current recession. The C.B.O. disagrees; it declared, in a recent report, that accelerating those tax cuts would be ineffective as a stimulus measure..."

In 2003
Paul Krugman (New York Times):
"...In fact, those who oppose the Bush plan think it will work no better than the 2001 tax cut: that it will do little for growth or employment, and will sharply raise the deficit. (These guys now have a track record, and it's not encouraging. In the year and a half since that tax cut, which was sold as the perfect economic stimulus, the economy has lost 1.4 million jobs.)..."

Washington Post:
"...Thus, it's not surprising that Mr. Bush is casting his tax cut as a job creation vehicle. The dismal new unemployment numbers, Mr. Bush said, "should say loud and clear . . . we need robust tax relief so our fellow citizens can find a job." One response to that battle cry is that the most disputed piece of Mr. Bush's tax cut -- dividend tax relief -- is apt to do the least in creating jobs in the short term and that most of the president's proposed tax cuts would occur after 2004, by which point the economy should have recovered...
A study by the financial research group Economy.com put unemployment spending at the top of the list of stimulative measures, estimating that each dollar spent on the program would boost the economy by $1.73; by contrast, reducing the taxation of dividends would return just 9 cents on the dollar, the study found. An argument against extending benefits is that it would reduce incentives for the unemployed to find work. But as Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan told Congress, when jobs are evaporating, the limits "almost surely ought to be eased to recognize the fact that people are unemployed because they couldn't get a job, not because they don't feel like working." Mr. Greenspan made his remarks in November. Since then, the economy has lost nearly half a million jobs..."

Also see: Jared Bernstein (EPI) for more on the continuing jobless recovery since the 2001 tax cuts 

2
TC9-03 Reason(s) for 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

"..."Some members of Congress support tax relief but say my proposal is too big," Bush said in his Saturday radio address. "Since they already agree that tax relief creates jobs, it doesn't make sense to provide less tax relief and, therefore, create fewer jobs."..."

  Jonathan Weisman (Washington Post):
"...But few economists would argue that tax policy is so straightforward. Taken to its extreme, Joel Slemrod, a tax economist at the University of Michigan, said that Bush's argument would support eliminating taxes altogether for the sake of job creation.
"Logically, the statement that more tax cuts are better is certainly wrong," Slemrod said. Asked to evaluate Bush's new argument, one Republican economist with close administration ties quipped, "I suppose it matters whether you think economics matters." 
If stimulating the economy is simply a matter of pumping in money, these should be flush times, economists say, because the last two years have seen the largest tax cut in a generation and the largest two-year federal spending binge since Jimmy Carter was president. C. Eugene Steuerle, a Treasury official in the Reagan administration, calculated that previously passed tax cuts, federal spending increases, and reduced taxation due to the economic downturn will pump more than $600 billion into the economy in 2003.That is well in excess of the amount drained out of the economy by the Bush-era slump, between $300 billion and $550 billion, said Steuerle, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute. "We have never had a recession where we have put so much stimulus back into the economy," said Steuerle..."

Liberal Oasis:
George Voinovich (Sen -OH): "...
when we voted for the last tax reduction--and I was a leader in supporting that in 2001--we had a $5.6 trillion surplus. Today it's projected in the next 10 years that we're going to have a $2 trillion deficit, and we're going to be borrowing this year…I know that a lot of people can't believe this number--but we're going to borrow over $500 billion this year and next year to run our government...recently the economists from Goldman Sachs told The New York Times that the percentage of our debt to our gross domestic product is moving from about 33 percent to 49 percent…and they believe that will undermine our economy instead of stimulating it..."

2
TC9-04 Reason(s) for 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

"...In his Canton speech, the President also blamed Congress for phasing in the tax-rate reductions, estate tax repeal, and other aspects of the 2001 tax cut that he signed into law...“And Congress responded, but the problem is they responded with a phased-in program.  They said tax relief was important and tax relief should be robust, but they phased it in over a number of years - three years in some cases, five years in others, and seven years. Listen, all I’m asking Congress to do is to take the tax relief package they’ve already passed, accelerate it to this year so that we can get this economy started and people can find work..."

  Richard Kogan (CBPP):
"...The President is re-writing history here, as well.  It was the President who asked Congress to phase in most of the tax cuts over five years, both when he first unveiled his tax-cut plan in 1999 and again when he laid it out in detail in his first budget.[2]  And it was Congress, not the President, that accelerated the creation of the new 10 percent income-tax bracket into 2001, thereby creating the $300/$600 “rebates” to respond to the slowing economy..."

Jonathan Chait (The New Republic):
"...He makes it sound like an unwelcome scheme, probably cooked up by Tom Daschle. In fact, Bush's original 2001 plan had phase-ins, and Congress--with the administration's approval--extended the phase-ins in order to include the deepest possible tax cuts while still appearing to comply with its budget. Each tax cut, in other words, is mined with time bombs that must be defused (or else we'll have a "tax increase"), and each fix plants new ones that must be defused again. Bush will soon be back decrying those very gimmicks and demanding they be fixed by yet another tax cut..."

2
TC9-05 Reason(s) for 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

"...Mr. Bush suggests on the stump that his 2001 tax cuts were limited to nine years as a result of a “quirk in the rules in the United States Senate.”..."

  Dwight Meredith (Politics, Law and Autism):
"...In truth, the tax cut was limited to nine years by Mr. Bush and the Republicans in an effort to keep the cost of the bill to $1.35 trillion and to disguise the long-term fiscal consequences of the cut..."
1
TC10-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and Jobs Bush

said that a $550 billion tax cut would create more than 1 million jobs by the end of 2004, compared with the 1.4 million jobs he contends would be created by the original $726 billion version. "That's not my projection," he said. "That's the projection of a lot of smart economists who have analyzed the package."

  Dana Milbank and Jonathan Weisman (Washington Post):
"...In fact, it is the projection of his economists. The Council of Economic Advisers in February estimated that the package would create 510,000 jobs in 2003 and 891,000 more in 2004. Those figures come from economic growth calculated by plugging the tax cut into a computer model of the economy developed by Macroeconomic Advisers LLC, a St. Louis forecasting firm.
Macroeconomic Advisers' own numbers are somewhat more modest over the two years: 242,000 new jobs in 2003 and 894,000 in 2004..."

Brendan Nyhan (Spinsanity):
"...the CEA also briefly states that, "On average over end-2002 to end-2007, job creation as a result of the package would be 140,000 higher than otherwise." In other words, over this five year period, a net total of 700,000 additional new jobs would be created as a result of the proposal, not 1.4 million. Thus, according to CEA, the President's plan would create 1.4 million additional new jobs in the first two years, but would also lead to 700,000 fewer jobs being created in 2005-2007 than would have been created without the passage of a tax cut, leading to a net job creation total as a result of the package of 700,000 (140,000 per year for five years). This remarkable finding, which is obscured by the CEA in its analysis, has received scant national media coverage besides a CNN/Money story...."

MaxSpeak:
"...The average over the next five years provided by the CEA is 140,000. This means the five year total is only 700,000. Hence the jobs effect of the President's proposal, according to his own CEA, is a reduction of jobs from years 2005 through 2007. Hence as a public service, through the use of advanced mathematics, MaxSpeak has supplied the missing columns to this table. The difference between 1.4 million and the five year total of 700,000 averages out to job losses (the parentheses in the table indicate negative numbers) for years 2005-2007, if one measures from 4th Quarter to 4th Quarter. (The second row provides the same calculations in terms of the year over year averages.)..."

Jonathan Weisman (Washington Post):
"...Beyond 2007, the tax package would actually do more harm than good, warned Joel Prakken of Macroeconomic Advisers LLC, which developed the computer model the White House used...in the longer run, surging budget deficits would raise interest rates and lower savings rates, while higher investment income would actually discourage job creation, Prakken said..."

Washington Post:
"...Well, the Joint Committee on Taxation has produced...an assessment of the economic effects of the House's $550 billion tax cut, which the administration says it "strongly supports"... The joint tax committee quietly slipped its analysis into the Congressional Record on Friday, just as the House was preparing to pass the tax cut. To look at the study is to understand the reasons for this stealth release.
The committee, like the CBO, used dynamic scoring, predicting the tax cut's effect on the economy and taking that into account when measuring revenue impact. And, as Mr. Snow hoped, it considered the effect of tax cuts without changes on the spending side...
Will the tax cut create jobs? In the first five years, somewhere between 230,000 (according to three of the models) and 900,000 jobs would be created. To put this in perspective, the economy has lost 500,000 jobs in the past three months alone. In the second five years, the study predicts no new job creation (one model) or actual job losses..."

3
TC10-02 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal and Jobs Bush

"...has also repeatedly claimed that, as he put it in his May 6 speech, that "[t]he right answer for how big the tax cut ought to be is a million jobs. That's the right answer. And that's the package I submitted to the United States Congress." Stephen Fisher, Director of the National Economic Council, made an identical claim in an online chat: "The Council of Economic Advisers projects that the President's [original] proposal would create 1.4 million jobs by the end of 2004. Congress is looking at a smaller proposal, which would create a million new jobs by the end of 2004."..."

  Spinsanity:
"...Yet, as Dana Milbank and Jonathan Weisman reported in the Washington Post, Bush has not produced a study to verify this [1 million] number. Instead, it represents a scaled-back estimate based on a projection by the Council of Economic Advisors that the original, $736 billion tax cut proposal would have produced 1.4 million new jobs by the end of 2004 (the final tax cut is likely to be somewhere between $350 and $550 billion due to budget votes in the House and Senate). As the New York Times noted, since the exact details of the plan - such as when it would go into effect - are not known, private-sector economists have not been able to directly evaluate Bush's claims. And even the White House has admitted that rather than "creating" new jobs, the plan would simply accelerate hiring that would have occurred in 2005 through 2007..."
1
TC11-01 2003 Bush Tax Cut Proposal Bush

said "...we will not deny, we will not ignore, we will not pass along our problems to other Congresses, other presidents, and other generations..."

  Citizens for Tax Justice:
"...According to the latest figures from the congressional Joint Committee on Taxation, President Bush’s fiscal 2004 budget includes $1.6 trillion in additional tax cuts over the upcoming decade. Counting the $0.4 trillion in added interest on the national debt that the tax cuts will entail, the total cost over the fiscal 2003-13 period will be almost $2 trillion if the plan is adopted by Congress—$100 billion more than the administration previously estimated.
In comparison, the Bush tax cut plan enacted in 2001 was projected to cost $1.6 trillion over its first decade including interest. 
In the current fiscal year, the Joint Committee data show that the President’s new tax cut plan will cost $41 billion, thus providing virtually no stimulus to our ailing economy. But by fiscal 2013, Bush’s new tax cut proposals will cost $431 billion a year including interest. “If the President’s new tax cuts are enacted, it appears that our national debt will approach $10 trillion by the end of 2013, counting the amount owed to the Social Security trust fund,” said Robert S. McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice. 
When Bush took office, the national debt, including the amount owed to Social Security, was $4.5 trillion and headed sharply down. But Bush’s new budget projects a $7.5 trillion debt by the end of 2008, including amounts owed to Social Security. The President refuses to offer an estimate for the size of the debt a decade from now, but the likely figure under the President policies is close to $10 trillion.
“So much for the President’s worthless promise not to send the bill for his irresponsible tax-cutting program to our children,” McIntyre said."
1
TC11-02 2003 Tax Cut Proposal White House for Bush

"...250 Economists Endorse President Bush's Jobs and Growth Plan..."

TAPPED:
"...We finally found a link to the White House press release, titled "250 Economists Endorse President Bush's Jobs and Growth Plan". We could point out that they only have 250 economists to the 450 that are opposed to Bush's plan, but it's more interesting to look at what, exactly, the meaning of the word "economist" is. At Hesiod Theogeny's prodding, we checked up on some of the people not listed with a university affiliation, and found out that the White House is using the term "economist" rather loosely. Among those listed are Grover Norquist, of Americans for Tax Reform, and Jackson Brown, of the American Dental Association -- neither of whom is an economist. Nor, as far as we can tell, is "Leonard Bower, consultant." Emile J. Brinkmann of the Mortgage Bankers Association of America has a Ph.D. -- in finance, not economi