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UNIVERSITY OF COMPASSIONATE
CONSERVATISM (what
is this?)
You have selected
COMPASSIONATE
CONSERVATISM
203D*
*President Bush's lies
and deception moral clarity,
honesty and integrity
on the Iraq invasion - Part A
In this course you will learn about the
abundant lies, deception or
intent to deceive moral clarity, honesty and integrity displayed by compassionate conservative2
President George W. Bush (and his administration speaking on his behalf)
on the Iraq invasion (Part A). This
part covers his (Government's) miscellaneous statements relating to the
assessed overall threat that Iraq posed, the reasons/justification for
invading Iraq, the U.N. and "coalition" partners and the
period of "major combat". Make sure you drop by again when the Election 04 (2004) campaign starts
picking up steam, so that you can refresh your memory on his
compassion. Please
note that the statements made by Bush or his
spokespersons/administration3 - as
cited in column 3 of the tables below - are by default extracted from
one or more of the links shown in column 4. If the source of the
statements is different from the link(s) in column 4, then a URL is
explicitly provided in column 3. For feedback and corrections, please go
here. A detailed
acknowledgement of the sites from which the information below was
obtained is listed at
this location. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the
following sites where I got the vast majority of links from: Atrios/Eschaton,
Politics, Law and
Autism, Calpundit,
Buzzflash, Daily
Howler, Talking
Points Memo, Thinking
it Through, Bushwatch,
Spinsanity.
Total Compassion Con credits 2
available from this course to date = 50
Last
Update: 12/01/2003
"To questions about whether the
attacks on Sept. 11 turned Bush into a better leader, Rove answered that
Bush was a great leader all along," the Washington Post reported on
December 12: " 'I for one don't buy this theory that September 11th
somehow changed George Bush,' " Rove said. " 'You're just
paying better attention. He is who he is.' "
"In a lot of ways he is exactly how he's always been, and I think
people sort of see him now for how he's always been - very steady, and
very disciplined, and a lot of resolve, but also a whole lot of
compassion and a way to really connect with people," Laura [Bush]
told Tim Russert on December 23.
(from Mark Crispin
Miller, The
Bush Dyslexicon)
Touché.
MSNBC
- 10/13/03 (bold text is my emphasis):
"...A key Republican lawmaker, Richard Lugar of
Indiana, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that “the
president has to be president” as his top advisers appeared
to quarrel. Monday, Bush responded by telling Tribune
Broadcasting, “The person who is in charge is me.”
“In all due respect to
politicians here in Washington, D.C., who make comments,
they’re just wrong about our strategy,” Bush said.
Referring to Paul Bremer, the U.S. civilian administrator in
Iraq, by his nickname, Bush added: “We’ve had a
strategy from the beginning. Jerry Bremer is running the
strategy, and we are making very good progress about the
establishment of a free Iraq.”..."
|
Once you are done with the above sections, you may
choose another course by picking one of the options below
PRE-INVASION THREAT ASSESSMENTS AND JUSTIFICATIONS <go back to the top>
Compassion Con
credits total = 20
| # |
Topic |
President
Bush or his representative's
Compassionate statement |
Some
Uncompassionate Facts |
Compassion
Con Credits |
| WR1-01 |
Motives:
Oil? |
Powell for Bush
"...The oil of Iraq
belongs to the people of Iraq..."
Wolfowitz for Bush
"...This
is not a war about oil. This is going to—if we have to use
force, it's going to be to liberate Iraq, not to occupy Iraq.
The oil resources belong to the Iraqi people..."
Rumsfeld for Bush
"...An Iraq war has absolutely nothing to do with oil..."
Perle for Bush
"...I
find the accusation that this administration has embarked upon
this policy for oil to be an outrageous, scurrilous charge for
which, when you asked for the evidence, you will note there was
none...It is a lie, congressman. It's an out-and-out lie."..."
Fleischer
for Bush (Oct 2002)
"...The only interest the United States
has in the region is furthering the cause of peace and
stability. We are not interested in Saddam Hussein's country's
ability to generate oil."..." |
James
Ridgeway (Village Voice) via Bushwatch:
"...Four years ago Perle was singing a different tune. On
January 26, 1998, Perle, Wolfowitz, and Rumsfeld, along with
several others, signed a letter to President Clinton that said,
"It hardly needs to be added that if Saddam does acquire
the capability to deliver weapons of mass destruction, as he is
almost certain to do if we continue along the present course,
the safety of American troops in the region, of our friends and
allies like Israel and the moderate Arab states, and a
significant portion of the world's supply of oil will all be put
at hazard."..."
H.
Josef Hebert (AP/Yahoo):
"...Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task force appeared to have some interest in
early 2001 in Iraq's oil industry, including which foreign companies
were pursuing business there, according to documents released
Friday by a private watchdog group. Judicial Watch, a
conservative legal group, obtained a batch of task force-related
Commerce Department (news
- web
sites) papers that included a detailed map of Iraq's oil
fields, terminals and pipelines as well as a list entitled
"Foreign Suitors of Iraqi Oilfield Contracts."
The papers also included a detailed map of oil fields and
pipelines in Saudi Arabia and in the United Arab Emirates and a
list of oil and gas development projects in those two countries..."
World
Industry News via Whodies (Oct 2002):
"...The US State Department has pushed back its planned
meeting with Iraqi opposition leaders on exploiting Iraq's oil
and gas reserves after a US military offensive removes Saddam
Hussein from power to early December. According to a source at
the State Department, all the desired participants are not yet
available.
The Bush administration wants to have a working group of 12 to
20 people focused on Iraqi oil and gas to be able to recommend
to an interim government ways of restoring the petroleum sector
following a military attack in order to increase oil exports to
partially pay for a possible US military occupation government -
further fueling the view that controlling Iraqi oil is at the
heart of the Bush campaign to replace Hussein with a more
compliant regime..."
Donald
Barlett and James Steele (Time):
"...Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
has been firm and consistent on what the war in Iraq is not
about. "It has nothing to do with oil, literally nothing to
do with oil," he says. If it sounds as though he's
protesting too much, it's because the Bush Administration is up
against a prevailing world view that the burden of proof is on
the U.S. to show that it won't exploit Iraq's underground
riches. Hours after the invasion began, U.S. forces had seized
two offshore terminals that can transfer 2 million bbl. daily to
tankers. They secured the southern Rumaila oil field so swiftly
that Saddam Hussein's retreating troops managed to set only nine
wells ablaze, compared with 650 Kuwaiti wells during Gulf War I,
and U.S. airborne troops took the northern oil fields at Kirkuk
largely intact.
Three weeks later, when U.S. forces rolled into downtown
Baghdad, they headed straight for the Oil Ministry building and
threw up a protective shield around it. While other government
buildings, ranging from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to the
National Museum of Antiquities, were looted and pillaged, while
hospitals were stripped of medicine and basic equipment, Iraq's
oil records were safe and secure, guarded by the U.S. military.
General Richard Myers, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
had an explanation: "I think it's, as much as anything
else, a matter of priorities."
Rumsfeld's disclaimer aside, the fact is that oil—who has it,
who produces it, who fixes its price—governs everything of
significance in the Persian Gulf and affects economies
everywhere. While the Bush Administration has repeatedly
asserted that Iraq's oil belongs to its citizens—"We'll
make sure that Iraq's natural resources are used for the benefit
of their owners, the Iraqi people," the President
said—the stakes go far beyond Iraq. The amount of oil that
Iraq brings to market will not just determine the living
standards of Iraqis but affect everything from the Russian
economy to the price Americans pay for gasoline, from the
stability of Saudi Arabia to Iran's future. Why
is Iraq such a prize? Not only does it have the potential to
become the world's largest producer, but no other country can do
it as cheaply. That's because, for geological reasons, Iraq
boasts the world's most prolific wells..."
|
1 |
| WR2-01 |
Motive:
Other? |
Cheney for Bush
"...said it was "reprehensible"
that people would think the administration had "saved"
its ammunition on Iraq to bring it out now, 60 days before an
election. "So the suggestion that somehow, you know, we
husbanded this and we waited is just not true," Cheney
said..." |
Dana
Milbank (Washington Post) via Bushwatch:
"...Now where would people get such a cockamamie idea?
Well, maybe from White House Chief of Staff Andrew H. Card Jr.
and Bush political adviser Karl Rove, who made the case to the
New York Times's Elisabeth Bumiller last week that they pretty
much did what Cheney said they didn't do -- waited patiently and
deliberately to launch a long-planned rollout. "From a
marketing point of view, you don't introduce new products in
August," Card said. Added Rove: "The thought was that
in August the president is sort of on vacation."..."
Misleader.org:
"...Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz has
acknowledged that in the first weekend after September 11th
"the disagreement was whether [invading Iraq] should be in
the immediate response or whether you should concentrate simply
on Afghanistan first."2
Privately, the President began making it known in March 2002
that the decision to invade Iraq was a foregone conclusion. In
an unscheduled appearance with National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice and Republican and Democratic Senators, Bush
cursed Saddam and vowed, "We're taking him out." Weeks
later, Vice President Dick Cheney said to a Senate Republican
policy lunch that the question of attacking Iraq was not if, but
when.3
The strategy of seeking United Nations approval for the invasion
was hatched during an August dinner with Secretary of State
Colin Powell at which "the agenda was not whether Iraq, but
how."4 Publicly, though, the President continued
to mislead the American public, saying the U. N. resolution
"does not mean that military action is imminent or
unavoidable."5..."
Dwight
Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...if Saddam’s WMD program is on the verge of having
such capability, what was President Bush doing taking a
month’s vacation in August? We suspect that President Bush
knows that Saddam has no such capability and knows that such
capability is not eminent..."
|
1 |
| WR2-02 |
Motive:
Other? |
Bush
"...continued to say he has not yet
decided whether to go to war..."
Bush
stated multiple times that war on Iraq will be
a "last resort"
Bush
"...the American people can know that
every measure has been taken to avoid war..." |
Karen
DeYoung (Washington Post) via Bushwatch:
"...In meetings yesterday with senior
officials in Moscow, Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton told
the Russian government that "we're going ahead,"
whether the council agrees or not, a senior administration
official said. "The council's unity is at stake here."
A senior diplomat from another council member said his
government had heard a similar message and was told not to
anguish over whether to vote for war. "You
are not going to decide whether there is war in Iraq or
not," the diplomat said U.S. officials told him. "That
decision is ours, and we have already made it. It is already
final. The only question now is whether the council will go
along with it or not." President Bush has continued to say
he has not yet decided whether to go to war. But the message
being conveyed in high-level contacts with other council
governments is that a military attack on Iraq is inevitable,
these officials and diplomats said..."
Seymour
Hersh (The New Yorker):
"...By early March, 2002, a former White House official
told me, it was understood by many in the White House that the
President had decided, in his own mind, to go to war..."
Misleader.org:
"...Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz has
acknowledged that in the first weekend after September 11th
"the disagreement was whether [invading Iraq] should be in
the immediate response or whether you should concentrate simply
on Afghanistan first."2
Privately, the President began making it known in March 2002
that the decision to invade Iraq was a foregone conclusion. In
an unscheduled appearance with National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice and Republican and Democratic Senators, Bush
cursed Saddam and vowed, "We're taking him out." Weeks
later, Vice President Dick Cheney said to a Senate Republican
policy lunch that the question of attacking Iraq was not if, but
when.3
The strategy of seeking United Nations approval for the invasion
was hatched during an August dinner with Secretary of State
Colin Powell at which "the agenda was not whether Iraq, but
how."4 Publicly, though, the President continued
to mislead the American public, saying the U. N. resolution
"does not mean that military action is imminent or
unavoidable."5..."
Robert
Parry (Consortium News):
"...Americans also don’t
seem to mind that Bush appears to have deceived them for months
when he claimed he hadn’t made up his mind about invading
Iraq. As he
marched the nation to war, Bush presented himself as a Christian
man of peace who saw war only as a last resort. But in a
remarkable though little noted disclosure, Time magazine
reported that in March 2002 – a full year before the invasion
– Bush outlined his real thinking to three U.S. senators,
“Fuck Saddam,” Bush said. “We’re taking him out.” Time
actually didn’t report the quote exactly that way. Apparently
not to offend readers who admire Bush’s moral clarity, Time
printed the quote as “F--- Saddam. We’re taking him out.”
Bush offered his pithy judgment after sticking his head in the
door of a White House meeting between National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice and three senators who had been discussing
strategies for dealing with Iraq through the United Nations. The
senators laughed uncomfortably at Bush’s remark, Time
reported. [Time story
posted March 23, 2003]. It
now is clear that Bush never intended to avoid a war in Iraq, a
conflict which has so far claimed the lives of at least 85
American soldiers and possibly thousands of Iraqis..."
|
2 |
| WR3-01 |
Internal
divisions on Iraq strategy |
Fleischer for
Bush
"...dismissed any suggestions of a split.
He called suggestions of tension between Powell and Cheney,
"much ado about no difference."..." |
USA
Today:
"...In an interview with the British
Broadcasting Corp., Powell said that as a "first step"
U.N. weapons inspectors must be allowed to return to Iraq.
President Bush "has been clear that he believes weapons
inspectors should return," Powell said.
Those comments appeared to contradict two speeches Cheney gave
last week in which he said inspections should not be the primary
goal of U.S. policy toward Iraq. Cheney said the key issue is
Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein's drive to acquire nuclear weapons,
and the return of inspectors, who left Iraq in 1998, "would
provide no assurance."..."
Paul
Krugman (New York Times):
"...Ari Fleischer's insistence that Mr. Powell and Mr.
Cheney have no differences over Iraq seems to have pushed some
journalists into facing up, at least briefly, to the obvious.
ABC's weblog The Note described it as a
"chocolate-is-vanilla" claim, admitting that "The
Bush team has always had a credibility problem with some
reporters because of their insistence on saying 'up is down' and
'black is white.'" But the administration needn't worry; if
history is any guide, many reporters will soon return to their
usual cringe. The next time the administration insists that
chocolate is vanilla, much of the media — fearing accusations
of liberal bias, trying to create the appearance of
"balance" — won't report that the stuff is actually
brown; at best they'll report that some Democrats claim that
it's brown..."
|
1 |
| WR4-01 |
Iraqi
threat |
Bush
"...Saddam Hussein
regime is a grave and gathering danger. To
suggest otherwise is to hope against the evidence. To assume
this regime's good faith is to bet the lives of millions and the
peace of the world in a reckless gamble, and this is a risk we
must not take..."
Powell
for Bush
"...The gravity of this moment is matched
by the gravity of the threat that Iraq’s weapons of mass
destruction pose to the world..."
Cheney
for Bush
"...The ability to criticize is one of
the great strengths of our democracy. But those who do so have
an obligation to answer this question: How could any responsible
leader have ignored the Iraqi threat?...Those charged with the
security of this nation could not read such an assessment and
pretend that it did not exist. Ignoring such information, or
trying to wish it away, would be irresponsible in the
extreme...When the decision fell to him, President Bush was not
willing to place the future of our security, and the lives of
our citizens, at the mercy of Saddam Hussein. And so the
President acted [and invaded Iraq]..."
|
David
Corn (The Nation):
"...at the press conference, Bush said--as he has
repeatedly--"the risk of doing nothing, the risk of hoping
that Saddam Hussein changes his mind and becomes a gentle soul,
the risk that somehow that inaction will make the world safer is
a risk I'm not willing to take for the American people."
With this statement, Bush was presenting a false dichotomy: war
or nothing. If that's the choice, war may seem less avoidable.
Yet the nations opposing his push for war--France, Germany,
Canada--have indeed proposed other courses of action involving
more aggressive and intrusive inspections. Bush is free to argue
that such means cannot succeed and are not worth even
attempting. Instead, he dismisses his opposition by suggesting
it is naively and foolishly counting on Saddam's transformation
into a saint. This has been one of the critical distortions he
has used to promote his war...."
David
Corn (The Nation):
"...But the influential UN members that opposed a war at
this juncture--including Washington's closest allies--were not
assuming Hussein's "good faith." They advocated
reviving intrusive inspections and pursuing other means before
contemplating war. But Bush implied--disingenuously--that
weapons inspections would not work..."
Dave
Koehler (Philly Burbs) via Carla
Binion:
"...When facts are not available or convenient, there are
many tricks one can use to present an argument. Here are a
few examples of tactics the current administration is using to
convince you and the world that invading Iraq is necessary.
One of the favorite methods of the current administration is a false
dilemma. This is when only two choices are given when,
in reality, there are more options. Right after 9/11 you heard,
“You are either with us or against us,” in the fight against
terrorism. Actually, countries can be both against terrorism and
not an ally of the U.S. More recently, many countries are
showing that they are both against a pre-emptive war and
against the current Iraqi regime.
We are also hearing we must attack Iraq or Saddam will develop
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and threaten the world if we
do nothing. Other options of monitoring with inspectors and
containment are just flatly discounted. Are we to believe that
Saddam could develop nuclear weapons while the world has him
under a microscope?..."
|
2 |
| WR4-02 |
Iraqi
threat |
Bush
"...Facing clear evidence of peril, we
cannot wait for the final proof—the smoking gun—that could
come in the form of a mushroom cloud. As President
Kennedy said in October of 1962, "Neither
the United States of America, nor the world community of nations
can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the
part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a
world," he said, "where only the actual firing of
weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nations security
to constitute maximum peril."..."
|
Joseph
Cirincione and Dipali Mukhopadyay (Foreign Policy):
"...Theodore Sorenson, the Kennedy advisor who wrote these
words, complained that this quote was taken totally out of
context. "It was not intended to justify a pre-emptive
strike, because JFK had specifically ruled out a preemptive
strike..."
|
1 |
| WR4-03 |
Iraqi
threat |
Bush
admin
"...the only possible use
he could have for those weapons, is to dominate, intimidate or
attack..."
|
Dennis
Hans (Take Back the Media):
"...'Deterrence' is also a generally understood reason to
develop WMD. Just ask the leaders of North Korea, Israel,
Pakistan, India, Russia and the U.S. Deterrence and regional
'balance of power' considerations were obvious factors in
Saddam's efforts in the 1980s to develop nuclear weapons. Not
the only factors, but factors nonetheless..." |
1 |
| WR4-04 |
Iraqi threat |
Bush
called Iraq a "..."direct
and growing threat,"..."
and
"...Bush also repeated
his favorite passive phrase, "If war is forced upon
us."..."
Cheney
for Bush
"...What we must not do in the face of a
mortal threat," Cheney instructed a Nashville gathering of
the Veterans of Foreign Wars in August 2002, "is give in to
wishful thinking or willful blindness."..."
|
Dwight
Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...if Saddam’s WMD program is on the verge of having
such capability, what was President Bush doing taking a
month’s vacation in August? We suspect that President Bush
knows that Saddam has no such capability and knows that such
capability is not eminent..."
Matthew
Rothschild (The Progressive) via Dennis
Hans:
"...no one in the region, not even
Israel, seems to agree. A New York Times article on Feb. 27,
just a few pages away from the transcript of Bush's speech,
noted, "The Israeli government and military elite believe
that Saddam Hussein seeks devastating weapons but has far less
capacity of mayhem than he had during the Persian Gulf
war." And the claim that the threat
is "growing" appears less credible by the day, as Iraq
has now announced a decision to start dismantling the missiles
in question and is in the process of destroying some mustard
gas. What's more, with weapons inspectors on the ground and spy
planes in the air, Saddam has no room to be a
"growing" threat. He's in a box, and the walls of that
box are closing in on him...Bush also repeated his favorite
passive phrase, "If war is forced upon us." No one's
forcing you, George!..."
David
Olive (Toronto Star):
"...With an invasion force the U.S.
itself now boasts was of relatively minimal strength, Saddam's
regime was easily toppled. On that point, the neo-con war hawks
were correct. Iraq was poised to fall like a house of
cards. By the second week of the conflict,
Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff,
was saying he felt embarrassed by the Iraqis' poor fighting
skills — or unwillingness to fight at all. As the enormity of
the rout was clear early last week, the Pentagon was dismissing
the Iraqi forces as "a paper army." Pushed to the
wall, the Iraqi regime did not try to blunt the enemy advance by
dipping into its vaunted stockpile of "weapons of mass
destruction" — or perhaps that, too, was a paper
inventory. Of course, the outcome of this dubious contest
between the world's lone superpower and a puny, impoverished
adversary with no allies was never in doubt. The U.S. and its
British ally were taking on an enemy that had not been able to
obtain spare parts for its tanks for the past decade and proved
unable to get its fighter jets airborne..."
CBS
News:
"...Thielmann's last job at the State Department was
director of the Office of Strategic Proliferation and Military
Affairs, which was responsible for analyzing the Iraqi weapons
threat for Secretary Powell. He and his staff had the highest
security clearances, and everything – whether it came into the
CIA or the Defense Department – came through his office...
At the time of Powell's speech, Thielmann says that Iraq didn't
pose an imminent threat to anyone: “I think it didn't even
constitute an imminent threat to its neighbors at the time we
went to war.”
But Thielmann also says that he believes the decision to go to
war was made first, and then the intelligence was interpreted to
fit that conclusion..."
John
B. Judis and Spencer Ackerman (The New Republic):
"...Cheney's admonition is resonant,
but not for the reasons he intended. The Bush administration
displayed an acute case of willful blindness in making its case
for war. Much of its evidence for a reconstituted nuclear
program, a thriving chemical-biological development program, and
an active Iraqi link with Al Qaeda was based on what
intelligence analysts call "rumint." Says one former
official with the National Security Council, "It was a
classic case of rumint, rumor-intelligence plugged into various
speeches and accepted as gospel."
In some cases, the administration may have deliberately lied. If
Bush didn't know the purported uranium deal between Iraq and
Niger was a hoax, plenty of people in his administration
did--including, possibly, Vice President Cheney, who would have
seen the president's State of the Union address before it was
delivered. Rice and Rumsfeld also must have known that the
aluminum tubes that they presented as proof of Iraq's nuclear
ambitions were discounted by prominent intelligence experts.
And, while a few administration officials may have genuinely
believed that there was a strong connection between Al Qaeda and
Saddam Hussein, most probably knew they were constructing
castles out of sand.
The Bush administration took office pledging to restore
"honor and dignity" to the White House. And it's true:
Bush has not gotten caught having sex with an intern or lying
about it under oath. But he has engaged in a pattern of
deception concerning the most fundamental decisions a government
must make. The United States may have been justified in going to
war in Iraq--there were, after all, other rationales for doing
so--but it was not justified in doing so on the national
security grounds that President Bush put forth throughout last
fall and winter. He deceived Americans about what was known of
the threat from Iraq and deprived Congress of its ability to
make an informed decision about whether or not to take the
country to war..."
|
2 |
| WR4-05 |
Iraqi
threat |
Cheney
for Bush
"...Last October, the Director of Central
Intelligence issued a National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq's
Continuing Programs of Weapons of Mass Destruction. That document
contained the consensus judgments of the intelligence community,
based upon the best information available about the Iraqi threat.
The NIE declared -- quote: "We judge that Iraq has continued
its weapons of mass destruction program, in defiance of UN
Resolutions and restrictions. Baghdad has chemical and biological
weapons, as well as missiles with ranges in excess of UN
restrictions. If left unchecked, it probably will have a nuclear
weapon during this decade." End quote. Those charged with
the security of this nation could not read such an assessment and
pretend that it did not exist [CG emphasis]..."
|
Walter
Pincus (Washington Post):
"...At the center of the political debate over the
intelligence preceding the war in Iraq is the October 2002
National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) -- the 100-page, top secret
document that hurriedly pulled together judgments from across
the U.S. intelligence community about the threat posed by Saddam
Hussein and the potential dangers involved in an invasion.
Such estimates are usually requested by the White House and take
months to prepare, with the CIA and other elements of the U.S.
intelligence community weighing their own information and
working out disagreements after review and debate. But this one
was rushed into production only after requests from Democratic
senators who were being asked to give President Bush
authorization to go to war. [CG emphasis]
"The NIE was hastily done in three weeks," one senior
intelligence expert said. "It was a cut-and-paste job, with
agencies and officials given only one day to review the draft
final product when they usually take months. . . . Today they
still disagree on the meaning of what came out."
As the Bush administration built its case for war against Iraq
in the fall of 2002, a thorough NIE would seem to have been
crucial: Hussein's reported chemical, biological or nuclear
weapons were central to the pro-war argument. Equally important
were questions about how likely Hussein was to use such weapons
against U.S. troops or worse, the U.S. homeland.
Yet as late as September 2002, Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.),
wrote to the chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence, "I am deeply concerned that the
intelligence community has not prepared a National Intelligence
Estimate (NIE) assessing Iraq's weapons of mass destruction
capabilities." [CG emphasis]
Durbin's letter also referred to what some senior analysts
inside the intelligence community see as the reason no NIE had
been sought by the White House: a reluctance to submit
individual intelligence findings to challenge from competing
analysts.
"Without an NIE," Durbin said, "agencies may
never have an opportunity to examine each others' data, and any
differences or similarities between the reports could provide
important information to policymakers." [CG emphasis]
On Sept. 11, Sen. Bob Graham (D-Fla.), then the Senate committee
chairman, sent a classified letter to CIA Director George J.
Tenet requesting what one congressional source described as an
"end-to-end NIE on Iraq." That meant, the source said,
that it would include not only an assessment of Hussein's
weapons but also judgments on "what the war would be like
and how the postwar would play out."
Tenet quickly approved the request once the president was
informed, according to a senior intelligence official. At the
same time, a decision was made to produce a declassified version
that senators could use during public debate.
Asked in an interview last summer why administration
policymakers had not sought an NIE before making their decisions
on Iraq, Tenet said, "We had covered parts of all those
programs over 10 years through NIEs and other reports, and we
had a ton of community product on all these issues."..."
Hullaballoo:
"...It's very interesting to see the administration quoting
at length from the vaunted NIE as if it were a sacred rune. On
September 12, 2002, the president went to the UN and proclaimed:
Today, Iraq continues to
withhold important information about its nuclear program --
weapons design, procurement logs, experiment data, an accounting
of nuclear materials and documentation of foreign assistance.
Iraq employs capable nuclear scientists and technicians. It
retains physical infrastructure needed to build a nuclear
weapon. Iraq has made several attempts to buy high-strength
aluminum tubes used to enrich uranium for a nuclear weapon.
Should Iraq acquire fissile material, it would be able to build
a nuclear weapon within a year. And Iraq's state-controlled
media has reported numerous meetings between Saddam Hussein and
his nuclear scientists, leaving little doubt about his continued
appetite for these weapons
[...]
Delegates to the General Assembly, we have been more than
patient. We've tried sanctions. We've tried the carrot of oil
for food, and the stick of coalition military strikes. But
Saddam Hussein has defied all these efforts and continues to
develop weapons of mass destruction. The first time we may be
completely certain he has a -- nuclear weapons is when, God
forbids, he uses one. We owe it to all our citizens to do
everything in our power to prevent that day from coming.
Just 2 days before, however, on the Senate
floor, Dick
Durbin said:
As a member of the Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence, I am deeply concerned that the
intelligence community has not completed the most basic document
which is asked of them before the United States makes such a
critical life-or-death decision...
I was stunned to learn last week that we have not
produced a national intelligence estimate showing the current
state of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. What is
incredible, with all of the statements made by members of this
administration about those weapons, is the fact that the
intelligence community has not been brought together...
...When we are talking about a possible invasion of Iraq and a
war against Iraq, why haven't we really created the most
basic document that we have the power to create in this
Government--the national intelligence estimate--so we know
exactly what we may be up against in Iraq? It has not been done.
So one was prepared. Apparently, only because
Dick Durbin explicitly asked for it:
This morning, I handed a letter to the
deputy to Director Tenet asking that he give it to the Director
personally, asking that they move as quickly as possible to
establish and create this national intelligence estimate...
Two days later, Bush was proclaiming to the UN, quite without
reservation, that (amongst other things) Saddam would be able to
make a bomb within a year if he could obtain fissile material.
So, the NIE is not exactly the best evidence for why the
administration believed that Iraq was a serious threat because
the NIE didn't exist until a Democrat specifically requested it.
The administration was quite "convinced" of Iraq's WMD
threat long before it was produced. So convinced, apparently,
that they didn't feel the need to produce one themselves before
they launched their Iraq invasion marketing plan last September.
[CG emphasis]..."
|
1
(being extremely compassionate here) |
| WR4-06 |
Iraqi
threat |
Cheney
for Bush
"...Some claim we should
not have acted because the threat from Saddam Hussein was not
imminent. Yet, as the president has said, "Since when have
terrorists and tyrants announced their intention, politely
putting us on notice before they strike?''
..."
|
Compassiongate:
How compassionate of our VP to forget the reams of intelligence
about the 9/11 hijackers and the threat of airline/suicide hijackings before 9/11! Obviously those who strike may
not specify the exact time and location they want to
strike at. But the incompetence
compassion of the administration does not miraculously mean
that all the information the CIA and FBI had on bin Laden's or
other fanatics' intentions or plans did not exist. The
administration is now waxing poetically about the threat due to
Saddam Hussein's intentions. How come this moral clarity
was not evident before 9/11 in assessing and
responding to Al Qaeda's known intentions? |
1 |
| WR4-07 |
Iraqi
threat |
Cheney
for Bush
"...In
the days of the Cold War, we were able to manage the threat with
strategies of deterrence and containment. But it’s a lot
tougher to deter enemies who have no country to defend. And
containment is not possible when dictators obtain weapons of
mass destruction, and are prepared to share them with terrorists
who intend to inflict catastrophic casualties on the United
States..."
|
James
K. Galbraith (Texas Observer):
"...Now, some of what
Mr. Cheney says is plainly true. Al Qaeda cannot be deterred,
nor can it be safely contained. But then, the rejection of these
doctrines in favor of pre-emptive self-defense is unnecessary to
justify action against Al Qaeda. Al Qaeda has already attacked
us, numerous times. We are clearly justified in pursuing them to
the ends of the earth.
The more difficult question is whether the new doctrine is
needed for the case of Iraq. And again the answer is no. Saddam
Hussein does have a country and a regime to defend. He was
deterred effectively from the use of chemical weapons against
Israel in 1991. He is contained–by all evidence–within (a
fraction of) his own country today. And he is subject to the
enforcement power of the Security Council, with respect to his
disarmament commitments, as Mr. Bush correctly argued to the
U.N. two weeks ago. However, proceeding on that ground requires
that we also accept the judgment of the Security Council as to
what specific enforcement actions are justified at this
moment.
And so it would appear that the doctrine of pre-emptive
self-defense has been resurrected now for one reason only–to
defy the authority of the Security Council and the U.N. Charter,
to justify a war on Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq on terms,
conditions, and timetables dictated by ourselves alone..."
Gene
Healy (Cato Institute):
"...The administration argues that Saddam Hussein may not
be deterrable. But it has provided no reason to believe that
deterrence—which sufficed to contain nuclear-armed Mao and
Stalin, the gold and silver medallists in the 20th Century's
genocidal Olympics—will not work And it ignores the fact that
Hussein has demonstrably and repeatedly been deterred from using
weapons of mass destruction against enemies capable, like the
U.S., of massive retaliation...
...again, Hussein had chemical weapons during the Gulf War.
However, in response to a thinly veiled American threat of
nuclear retaliation, he chose not to use them. None of the 42
scuds launched at Israel was tipped with chemical weapons. He
didn't even use them against American forces driving him out of
Kuwait, and possibly marching onto Baghdad: none of the 40-some
scuds shot at allied forces during the war had chemical
payloads...
A scud delivery comes with a return address, they argue;
delivery by terrorist intermediaries may not. But if Hussein
ever considered this strategy, the evidence suggests that
deterrence worked here as well. Hussein first got nerve gas over
20 years ago. His hatred of Israel predates his hatred of the
U.S. (Israel launched a preventive airstrike on the Osirik
nuclear reactor in 1981, after all). Hussein's had longstanding
links with anti-Israel terror groups like the Palestine
Liberation Front and the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine. Thus, he's long had the means, the motive, and the
requisite links with people who would carry out a sneak chemical
attack on Israel. If using terrorists as a WMD delivery system
is such a foolproof scheme and if it would be so hard to discern
who the culprit was, then why hasn't Hussein tried at least once
over the years to use them against (militarily dominant and
nuclear armed) Israel? Hint: the answer's in the
parentheses..."
|
2 |
| WR5-01 |
Iraq
and democracy |
Bush
"...spoke about a liberated Iraq showing
"the power of freedom to transform that vital region"
and said "a new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic
and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the
region."..."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank
(Washington
Post, MSNBC):
"...But a classified State Department report put together
by the department's intelligence and research staff and
delivered to Powell the same day as Bush's speech questioned
that theory, arguing that history runs counter to it...." |
1 |
| WR6-01 |
Iraq disarmament |
Bush
"...called for a congressional resolution
that "sends a clear signal that the country is determined
to disarm Iraq and thereby bring peace to the world."..."
|
Dwight
Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...MR. RUSSERT: But what’s your
goal? Disarmament or regime change?
VICE PRES. CHENEY: The president’s made it clear that the goal
of the United States is regime change. He said that on many
occasions..." |
1 |
| WR6-02 |
Iraq disarmament |
Bush
"...said that a disarmed Hussein could
remain in power, because, in one artful phrase, it would mean
"the regime will have effectively changed."..."
|
Dana
Milbank (Washington Post):
"...The administration's return to its original goal --
ousting Hussein -- is a reflection that it no longer has hope of
winning international support for its effort by describing its
principal goal as disarmament. The objective, Cheney said
plainly yesterday, "clearly is to get rid of his government
and to put a new one in its place. And that's what we think is
required in order to achieve the objectives of eliminating his
WMD," or weapons of mass destruction. |
1 |
| WR7-01 |
Iraq
planning |
Wolfowitz for Bush
"...[said that] the recent estimate by Gen.
Eric K. Shinseki of the Army that several hundred thousand troops
would be needed in postwar Iraq, [was] "wildly off the
mark."..."
|
Eric
Schmitt (New York Times) via GlobalPolicy.org:
"...Pentagon officials have put the
figure closer to 100,000 troops. Mr. Wolfowitz then dismissed
articles in several newspapers this week asserting that Pentagon
budget specialists put the cost of war and reconstruction at $60
billion to $95 billion in this fiscal year. He said it was
impossible to predict accurately a war's duration, its
destruction and the extent of rebuilding afterward.
"We have no idea what we will need until we get there on
the ground," Mr. Wolfowitz said at a hearing of the House
Budget Committee..."
George
Will (Washington Post):
"...Paul Wolfowitz, deputy secretary of defense, was wrong
in congressional testimony before the war. Although he said
"we have no idea what we will need until we get there on
the ground," he insisted that Gen. Eric Shinseki, a veteran
of peacekeeping in the Balkans, was "wildly off the
mark" in estimating that several hundred thousand troops
would be needed in occupied Iraq.
.." |
1 |
| WR7-02 |
Iraq
planning |
Wolfowitz for Bush
"...Mr. Wolfowitz ticked off several
reasons why he believed a much smaller coalition peacekeeping
force than General Shinseki envisioned would be sufficient to
police and rebuild postwar Iraq.
He said there was no history of ethnic strife in Iraq, as there
was in Bosnia or Kosovo..."
|
Uncertain
Principles - 2/28/03:
"...There's no ethnic strife in Iraq,
'cause, y'know, that whole business with the Kurds
is just a big misunderstanding. It's not like they need, I don't
know, thousands of sorties by American and British pilots every
year to prevent Saddam from attacking them... And, of course,
the Shi'ites and "Marsh Arabs" in the southern part of
Iraq are all shiny, happy people with no qualms whatsoever about
remaining part of Iraq...
Why would anybody trust these clowns with the keys to a Volvo,
let alone the most powerful military machine in the history of
the world?..."
|
1 |
The U.N. and "COALITION" BUILDING <go back to the top>
Compassion Con
credits total = 19
| # |
Topic |
President
Bush or his representative's
Compassionate statement |
Some
uncompassionate facts |
Compassion
Con Credits |
| CO1-01 |
Second
UN
Resolution and France |
Bush
"...some permanent members of the Security Council
have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that
compels the disarmament of Iraq..."
|
Compassiongate:
Bush's reference was
clearly to the French. The French did not
threaten to veto a resolution to compel disarmament (considering
that the first resolution compels disarmament) but
one that would mean automatic war if disarmament did not
occur.
Stanley
Hoffman (New York Review of Books):
"...Colin Powell stated that Jacques Chirac had said that
France wouldn't go to war against Iraq "under any
circumstances." In fact, as Powell must have known, and as
I have been told on very good authority, the French President
had earmarked French forces for war if the inspectors, after a
limited number of weeks and after having followed a series of
"benchmarks" not dissimilar from those Tony Blair had
demanded, concluded that Iraq did have forbidden weapons and
could not be disarmed peacefully. French diplomacy could be
faulted for not making its positions clearer; but Chirac's
statement referred only to the text of the second resolution
drafted by the US and Britain for submission to the Security
Council, and then withdrawn. On March 16, after the US turned
down Chirac's proposal to consider using force if the inspectors
reached an impasse in Iraq in thirty days, he told Christine
Amanpour on 60 Minutes that if "our strategy,
inspections, were failing, we would consider all the options,
including war."..."
|
1 |
| CO1-02 |
Second
UN
Resolution and France |
Bush
"...citing "an interesting phenomena
taking place here in America about the French . . . a backlash
against the French, not stirred up by anybody except the
people."..."
|
Paul
Krugman (New York Times):
"...Mr. Bush was disingenuous when he described the
backlash against the French as "not stirred up by anybody
except the people." On the same day that the report of his
interview appeared, The Financial Times carried the headline,
"Hastert Orchestrates Tirade Against the French."
That's Dennis Hastert, the speaker of the House of
Representatives. In fact, anti-French feeling has been carefully
fomented by Republican officials, Rupert Murdoch's media empire
and other administration allies. Can you blame Mexicans for
interpreting Mr. Bush's remarks as a threat to do the same to
them?..." |
1 |
| CO2-01 |
Iraq and U.N. in
1998 |
Bush
administration
"...Iraq under Saddam has defied U.N.
resolutions to give up its WMDs and to disarm for 4,199 days,
Bush noted. U.N. weapons inspectors were kicked out of Iraq in
1998, and Bush pointed out that the Iraqis had "blocked
effective inspections of so-called presidential sites..."
|
FAIR
via WhoDies:
"...The story centers on the Iraq
crisis that broke out on December 16, 1998. Richard Butler, head
of the United Nations weapons inspection team in Iraq, had just
released a report accusing the Iraqi regime of obstructing U.N.
weapons checks. On the basis of that report, President Clinton
announced he would launch airstrikes against Iraqi targets. Out
of concern for their safety, Butler withdrew his inspectors from
Iraq, and the U.S.-British bombing proceeded.
The Washington Post reported all these facts correctly at
the time: A December 18 article by national security
correspondent Barton Gellman reported that "Butler ordered
his inspectors to evacuate Baghdad, in anticipation of a
military attack, on Tuesday night."
But in the 14 months since then, the Washington Post has
again and again tried to rewrite history--claiming that Saddam
Hussein expelled the U.N. inspectors from Iraq. Despite
repeated attempts by its readers to set the record straight in
letters to the editor, the Post has persisted in reporting this
fiction.
Not only did Saddam Hussein not order the inspectors' retreat,
but Butler's decision to withdraw them was--to say the
least--highly controversial. The Washington Post
(12/17/98) reported that as Butler was drafting his report on
Iraqi cooperation, U.S. officials were secretly consulting with
him about how to frame his conclusions..." |
1 |
| CO3-01 |
First U. N.
Resolution (1441) |
Bush
"...signalled
that he did not believe that a second resolution was absolutely
necessary, and warned the Council that if it sits idle, he will
lead a coalition of nations to disarm Iraq by force. "I've
never felt we needed a resolution; 1441 speaks very
clearly," he told reporters...."
Cheney
for Bush
"...Last November, the U.N. Security
Council passed a unanimous resolution finding Iraq in material
breach of its obligations and vowing serious consequences in the
event Saddam Hussein did not fully and immediately comply. When
Saddam Hussein failed even then to comply, our coalition acted
to deliver those serious consequences..."
|
Josh
Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...But the wording which the other countries demanded and
received was wording which they believed put them in charge of
deciding when or if there would be war. At the time, Ireland's
Ambassdor to the UN said
the word changes kept "the hands of the council members as
a whole on the steering wheel of the resolution in the future.
It's of enormous significance."
The problem for the United States is that we pretty clearly went
on the record validating this other interpretation.
Here's what America's UN Representative John Negroponte said
at the UN on the day the resolution passed ... "There's
no 'automaticity' and this is a two-stage process, and in that
regard we have met the principal concerns that have been
expressed for the resolution. Whatever violation there is, or is
judged to exist, will be dealt with in the council, and the
council will have an opportunity to consider the matter before
any other action is taken..."
What he was saying there was that 1441 was not
self-enforcing. Its language and what counted as an infraction
was to be decided by the Security Council. This was the price we
paid for getting for getting the unanimous vote. What
this means pretty clearly is that we cannot claim that
Resolution 1441 gives us any basis for doing what we're about to
do..."
Oliver
Burkeman and Julian Borger (The Guardian):
"...International
lawyers and anti-war campaigners reacted with astonishment
yesterday after the influential Pentagon hawk Richard Perle
conceded that the invasion of Iraq had been illegal.
In a startling break with the official White House and Downing
Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: "I think
in this case international law stood in the way of doing the
right thing."
President George Bush has consistently argued that the war was
legal either because of existing UN security council resolutions
on Iraq - also the British government's publicly stated view -
or as an act of self-defence permitted by international law.
But Mr Perle, a key member of the defence policy board, which
advises the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said that
"international law ... would have required us to leave
Saddam Hussein alone", and this would have been morally
unacceptable..."
|
1 |
| CO3-02 |
U.N. credibility
based on resolution 1441 |
BEFORE
THE INVASION
Bush
"...We'll see whether or not the United
Nations will be the United Nations or the League of Nations when
it comes to dealing with this man who for 11 years has thumbed
his nose at resolution after resolution after resolution after
resolution...My intent, of course, is for the United Nations to
do its job...The choice is up to the United Nations to show its
resolve. The choice is up to Saddam Hussein to fulfill his
word. And if neither of them acts, the United States, in
deliberate fashion, will lead a coalition to take away the
world's worst weapons from one of the world's worst
leaders..."
Fleischer
for Bush
"...If the UN weapons inspectors "go
in under the current regime, it is a fool's errand to call them
inspectors," Fleischer added. "They will be
nothing more than tourists who get a run-around," he
said..."
Bush
"...The credibility of the Security Council is at
stake..."
Bush
"..."After 11
years during which we have tried containment, sanctions,
inspections, even selected military action, the end result is
that Saddam Hussein still has chemical and biological weapons
and is increasing his capabilities to make more...Clearly, to actually work, any new inspections, sanctions,
or enforcement mechanisms will have to be very different,"
he added..."
|
BEFORE
THE INVASION
Note: The
U.N. has been very relevant for decades without explicitly
authorizing many of the United States' military operations in
other countries. War is not the only aspect that the U.N. was
set up for. One of it's goals is world peace.
Joe
Conason (Salon):
"...Has everybody seen the videotape of Colin Powell's
remarks about Saddam's weapons of mass destruction on Feb. 24,
2001?...Here
is what Powell told reporters on that day in Cairo at a press
conference with the Egyptian foreign minister Amr Moussa. Asked
about angry local reaction to his visit because of American
policy toward Iraq, the secretary of state sought to explain:
"We had a good discussion, the foreign minister and I and
the president and I, had a good discussion about the nature of
the sanctions -- the fact that the sanctions exist -- not for
the purpose of hurting the Iraqi people, but for the purpose of
keeping in check Saddam Hussein's ambitions toward developing
weapons of mass destruction. We should constantly be reviewing
our policies, constantly be looking at those sanctions to make
sure that they are directed toward that purpose. That purpose is
every bit as important now as it was 10 years ago when we began
it. And frankly they have worked. He has not developed any
significant capability with respect to weapons of mass
destruction. He is unable to project conventional power against
his neighbors."..."
David
Corn (The Nation):
"...UN Security Council Resolution 1441 promised there
would be "serious consequences" if Saddam Hussein did
not comply with its disarmament orders. It did not define these
consequences. What Bush has been saying is that unless the
Security Council embraces his definition of "serious
consequences"--war right now--it is a pointless body.
"The credibility of the Security Council is at stake,"
he maintained. But what if the Security Council were to decide
to toughen up the inspections and conduct them for another five
months? Why would that be evidence of its meaninglessness?
Indeed, it is Bush who is placing the Security Council in a
position of irrelevance. Should he ignore the deeply-felt
sentiments of its member-nations (and the populations they
represent) and launch a war unsupported by the Security Council,
it will be he who is declaring--and proving--that the United
Nations does not really matter..."
|
2 |
| CO3-03 |
U.N. credibility |
AFTER DAVID KAY'S REPORT
Kay
for Bush
"...What I was not saying is that
sanctions were working..."
Cheney
for Bush
"...Twelve years of diplomacy, more than a dozen Security
Council resolutions, hundreds of U.N. weapons inspectors,
thousands of flights to enforce the no-fly zones and even
strikes and against military targets in Iraq, all of these
measures were tried to compel Saddam Hussein's compliance with
the terms of the 1991 Gulf War cease-fire. All of these measures
failed..."
Fleischer
for Bush
"...If the UN weapons inspectors "go
in under the current regime, it is a fool's errand to call them
inspectors," Fleischer added. "They will be
nothing more than tourists who get a run-around," he
said..."
Bush
"..."After 11
years during which we have tried containment, sanctions,
inspections, even selected military action, the end result is
that Saddam Hussein still has chemical and biological weapons
and is increasing his capabilities to make more...Clearly, to actually work, any new inspections, sanctions,
or enforcement mechanisms will have to be very different,"
he added..."
|
Bryan
Bender (Boston Globe):
"...David Kay, the Bush administration's chief weapons
investigator in Iraq, said yesterday he believes United Nations
inspections and international sanctions put in place after the
1991 Gulf War were more effective in frustrating Saddam
Hussein's plans for weapons of mass destruction than the United
States had realized...Kay told reporters that the 1,200 members
of his Iraq Survey Group have been surprised "at how
often" top Iraqi scientists and policy makers "refer
to the impact of sanctions" in their interviews with the
Americans. Kay added that it "may be necessary to reassess
what we thought" about the effectiveness of the UN
effort...
Blix, in an interview with BBC, said he
doubted that Iraq could have easily developed weapons of mass
destruction.
"I think one should have some caution there, because the
Security Council had never intended to abandon long-term
monitoring, so the Iraqis would not have been left alone to
proceed with whatever they had started," he said. "If
they can develop weapons of mass destruction in five years or 10
years, well, that certainly is not imminent."
David Albright, a former UN weapons inspector and now director
of the Institute for Science and International Security, said:
"Iraq did not comply, and I support the Bush administration
statements to that effect. But the administration has not been
able to substantiate its claim that the threat was imminent. I
think Hans Blix and ElBaradei deserve an apology."..."
Bob
Drogin (The New Republic):
"..."I think, by and large, that's close to where we
are now," Kay had replied in his soft drawl when asked
directly if U.N. sanctions had stymied Saddam's ability to
produce weapons of mass destruction (WMD). "I don't know if
it's close to where we will be. We have been struck, in probably
three hundred interviews with Iraqi scientists, engineers, and
senior officials, how often they refer to the impact of
sanctions and the perceived impact of sanctions in terms of
regime behavior," Kay had gone on. "So it may well be
necessary to reassess what a lot of us ... quite frankly thought
was the eroding impact of sanctions over the years."
Now, at the end of a 90-minute conference call with reporters on
October 3, Kay clearly was having second thoughts--or had been
urged to have them...
"What I was not saying is that sanctions were
working," he declared, reversing his earlier statement. Kay
said his progress report--most of which remains classified--
indicates that Saddam had concluded by late 1999 or early 2000
that he could work around U.N. sanctions and that convincing the
U.N. Security Council to lift them "was no longer the most
important thing."
Then Kay tacked back again. "So it's going to be a
difficult thing to finally assess the impact of sanctions,"
he admitted. American intelligence officials, he added,
"probably did not adequately assess the psychological
impact over the years that sanctions may have had on
decision-making" in Baghdad. Kay groped his way to a
conclusion. "This is one that we're going to have to deal
with in the final report because it is key to a lot of
issues," he said.
As I listened to Kay that day, I felt a bit sorry for him...Kay
found no evidence that Iraq had taken significant steps to build
nuclear weapons or produce fissile material after 1991. No
evidence that aluminum tubes had been used to enrich uranium. No
proof that two trucks carrying laboratory equipment had been
designed to produce biowarfare agents, as the president had
claimed. No smallpox, anthrax, or VX. No chemical or biological
weapons ready to fire in 45 minutes--indeed, no poison gases or
germ weapons at all. At worst, Saddam had "aspirations and
intentions" to acquire WMD. Even Pat Roberts, the dour
Kansas Republican who chairs the Senate Select Intelligence
Committee and is usually a staunch supporter of both the Bush
administration and the CIA, announced he was "not
pleased" with the results..."
Dana
Milbank and Walter Pincus (Washington Post):
"...David Kay, the chief U.S. weapons inspector in Iraq,
presented a different view in his congressional testimony last
week. For example, he said: "Information found to date
suggests that Iraq's large-scale capability to develop, produce,
and fill new CW [chemical weapons] munitions was reduced -- if
not entirely destroyed -- during Operations Desert Storm and
Desert Fox, 13 years of U.N. sanctions and U.N.
inspections."
..."
James
Pinkerton (Newsday):
"..."All of these measures failed," Cheney said.
No, actually, all those measures succeeded, which is why we
haven't found anything resembling a weapon of mass destruction
in Iraq..."
Council
for a Livable World:
"...However, the inspectors were very effective in
eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. From 1991
to 1998, UNSCOM, the U.N. inspection agency, destroyed 38,537
chemical munitions, 690 tons of chemical warfare agents, 3,275
tons of precursor chemicals, biological growth media, the Al
Hakam biological warfare facility, 48 missiles, 50 warheads, 20
tons of missile fuel, 5 combat mobile launchers, 56 fixed launch
sites and 75 components for 350mm and 1000mm guns.
(Appendix I, 13th Quarterly Report of UNMOVIC, May 30, 2003)..."
|
1 |
| CO3-04 |
U. N.
credibility |
Bush
"...And because there were consequences,
because a coalition of nations acted to defend the peace and the
credibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free..."
|
David
Corn (The Nation):
"...Bush also argued that the United States, by invading
Iraq, had "acted to defend...the credibility of the United
Nations," falsely suggesting that the UN had been unwilling
to take any steps in the face of Iraq's violations of Security
Council resolutions. But the UN was moving toward more intrusive
and aggressive inspections when Bush launched the war. It might
be that the UN actions would not have happened or might have
ended up ineffective, but Bush has repeatedly maintained that
there was only one choice: go to war or do nothing. That is a
misrepresentation..."
Oliver
Burkeman and Julian Borger (The Guardian):
"...International
lawyers and anti-war campaigners reacted with astonishment
yesterday after the influential Pentagon hawk Richard Perle
conceded that the invasion of Iraq had been illegal.
In a startling break with the official White House and Downing
Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: "I think
in this case international law stood in the way of doing the
right thing."
President George Bush has consistently argued that the war was
legal either because of existing UN security council resolutions
on Iraq - also the British government's publicly stated view -
or as an act of self-defence permitted by international law.
But Mr Perle, a key member of the defence policy board, which
advises the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said that
"international law ... would have required us to leave
Saddam Hussein alone", and this would have been morally
unacceptable..."
Compassiongate:
Should I say something about "defend the peace"? Nah,
the compassion there is obvious.
|
1 |
| CO3-05 |
U.N. |
Cheney
for Bush
"...Another criticism we hear is that the United States,
when its security is threatened, may not act without unanimous
international consent. Under this view, even in the face of a
specific stated agreed-upon danger, the mere objection of even
one foreign government would be sufficient to prevent us from
acting.
This view reflects a deep confusion about the requirements of
our national security. Though often couched in high-sounding
terms of unity and cooperation, it is a prescription for
perpetual disunity and obstructionism...So often, and so
conveniently, it amounts to a policy of doing exactly
nothing..."
|
Jay
Bookman (Atlanta Journal-Constitution) via Atrios:
"...Then Cheney got to the core of his argument:
"Another criticism we hear is that the United States, when
its security is threatened, may not act without unanimous
international consent. Under this view, even in the face of a
specific agreed-upon danger, the mere objection of even one
foreign government would be sufficient to prevent us from
acting."
With that statement, Cheney abandons deception and traipses
merrily into the Land of the Completely Absurd. Nobody -- not
the Democrats, not the United Nations, not even the French --
makes the argument that he describes. It would be insane to do
so.
Cheney invents that argument to support his larger point: After
Sept. 11, the Bush administration at least did something, while
its less-than-manly critics would have done nothing.
And that is the ultimate falsehood.
The true policy choice is between actions that make things
better for the United States and actions that make things worse.
If we were to assess the invasion of Iraq on those grounds, the
outcome would be something like this:
Saddam had no WMD, no nuclear program and no ties to al-Qaida.
So invading Iraq did little or nothing to improve our security.
It did, however, come at a cost that may take decades to fully
tally.
The invasion has strained our alliances and international
standing, making it difficult to draw support against real
threats in North Korea and Iran. Our military is overextended.
The financial toll is $150 billion and counting; the toll in
U.S. lives continues to mount as well..."
Compassiongate:
The VP's use of words like "unanimous international consent" is very compassionate
indeed. The U.S.
has acted militarily several times in the past without
"unanimous international consent" - so that wouldn't
be something new in itself (what would be "new" is fake
compassionate pre-emption). When there was risk
that the U.N. would not work, NATO has been used successfully to
drive military action in Kosovo. The point is that when
there was no imminent threat of an attack by Saddam, when there
was no evidence whatsoever that Iraq was involved with 9/11,
when there was no real evidence of a working relationship
between Iraq and Al Qaeda, when two of the countries most
significantly involved in 9/11 and with Al Qaeda (other than
Afghanistan) were Pakistan and Saudi Arabia (and they are being
treated like bosom buddies), when Iran and North Korea are/were
building a nuclear program that actually posed a much greater
threat (unlike Saddam), there was no case for invading Iraq.
Period. So the "deep confusion about the requirements of
our national security" emanates not from the critics of the
administration but from within the frauds in the
compassionate administration
itself.
Not to mention that the U.N. did not advocate
doing "exactly nothing". It advocated stringent
inspections under a threat of force, based on President Bush's
prodding.
|
2
(just being extremely compassionate here)
|
| CO3-06 |
U.N. |
Rice for Bush
"...Had any one of these examples [in David Kay's report]
been discovered last winter, the Security Council would have had
no choice but to take exactly the same course that President
Bush followed: to declare Saddam Hussein in defiance of
Resolution 1441, and enforce its serious consequences.."
|
Josh
Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...Really? Is that how it is? Every
administration fudges, conceals, or deceives in this way or
that. But, at least in my memory, I cannot remember any
administration or even any administration official that so
routinely says things that are the polar opposite of reality ---
when the facts to the contrary are sitting right out there in
the open.
Set aside all the ridiculous
efforts to spin the details of the Kay Report into some sort
of vindication
for the White House. The one thing the Report clearly shows is
that Saddam was doing far less on the WMD front than even our
staunchest international critics suggested. Given that they were
unwilling to go to war when they thought he had some
stocks of WMD, it’s awfully hard to figure why they would go
to war once it confirmed that he had none.
It’s just more up-is-downism. The same ridiculous spin as a
year ago..." |
1 |
| CO3-07 |
New U.N.
resolution in Aug/Sep 03 |
Powell for Bush
"...said his colleagues and Annan's staff were exploring
with council members "language that might call on member
states to do more."..."Perhaps additional language and
a new resolution might encourage others," Powell said.
"There is a willingness to come together to help the Iraqi
people.."
|
Josh
Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...I was a lot less heartened when I
heard this
exchange Thursday evening between Paula Zahn and Dick
Holbrooke ...
PAULA ZAHN, CNN ANCHOR: I'm now also joined by Richard Holbrooke,
former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations to help us better
understand what took place at the U.N. today. Not a very good
day for Colin Powell, was it?
RICHARD HOLBROOKE, FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO UNITED NATIONS: Not
a good day for the United States.
I think Bill Cohen, my former Cabinet colleague, put it exactly
right when he said that we need to try to bring the
international community in. And that means a little flexibility
for the U.N. What Colin Powell did today at the U.N. was come to
New York and offer the same resolution, essentially, that we'd
offered two weeks ago and portray it as a tribute to the fallen
and great and brave Sergio Vieira de Mello and the other U.N.
people.
This created a very, very unfortunate attitude at the U.N. among
other nation states.
ZAHN: How so?
HOLBROOKE: Including many countries that want to help us.
Well, they were offended by it. Now, what is the answer to this?
As Bill Cohen just said to you, we need to internationalize the
effort..." |
1 |
| CO3-08 |
New U.N.
resolution in Sep 03 |
Bush
(Sep 2003)
"...All the challenges I have spoken of
this morning require urgent attention and moral clarity: helping
Afghanistan and Iraq to succeed as free nations in a transformed
region, cutting off the avenues of proliferation, abolishing
modern forms of slavery. These are the kinds of great tasks for
which the United Nations was founded [CG emphasis]...
The founding documents of the United
Nations and the founding documents of America stand in the same
tradition. Both assert that human beings should never be reduced
to objects of power or commerce, because their dignity is
inherent.
Both recognize a moral law that stands above men and nations
which must be defended and enforced by men and nations. And both
point the way to peace, the peace that comes when all are free.
We secure that peace with our courage, and we must show that
courage together [CG emphasis]..."
|
E.
J. Dionne (Washington Post):
"...Yet the president who is now paying a price for
ignoring the United Nations is the same president who mocked
those Democrats who were wary of going to war without full U.N.
support. On Sept. 13, 2002 -- before the midterm elections --
Bush characterized such Democrats as saying: "I think I'm
going to wait for the United Nations to make a decision."
Bush went on: "If I were running for office, I'm not sure
how I'd explain to the American people -- say, 'vote for me,
and, oh, by the way, on a matter of national security, I'm going
to wait for somebody else to act.' " [CG emphasis]
..."
Billmon/Whiskey
Bar:
"...The Bush administration has abandoned the idea of
giving the United Nations more of a role in the occupation of
Iraq as sought by France, India and other countries as a
condition for their participation in peacekeeping there,
administration officials said on Wednesday ...
"The administration is not willing to confront going to the
Security Council and saying, 'We really need to make Iraq an
international operation,"' said an administration official.
"You can make a case that it would be better to do that,
but, right now, the situation in Iraq is not that dire."
U.S. Abandons Plan for Greater U.N. Role in Iraq New
York Times
August 13, 2003..."
Richard
Perle (The Guardian):
"...Saddam Hussein's reign of terror is about to end. He
will go quickly, but not alone: in a parting irony, he will take
the UN down with him. Well, not the whole UN. The "good
works" part will survive, the low-risk peacekeeping
bureaucracies will remain, the chatterbox on the Hudson will
continue to bleat. What will die is the fantasy of the UN as
the foundation of a new world order [CG emphasis]. As
we sift the debris, it will be important to preserve, the better
to understand, the intellectual wreckage of the liberal conceit
of safety through international law administered by
international institutions...
...is the security council capable of ensuring order and saving
us from anarchy? History suggests not...
This new century now challenges the hopes
for a new world order in new ways. We will not defeat or even
contain fanatical terror unless we can carry the war to the
territories from which it is launched. This will sometimes
require that we use force against states that harbour
terrorists, as we did in destroying the Taliban regime in
Afghanistan.
The most dangerous of these states are those that also possess
weapons of mass destruction. Iraq is one, but there are others.
Whatever hope there is that they can be persuaded to withdraw
support or sanctuary from terrorists rests on the certainty and
effectiveness with which they are confronted. The chronic
failure of the security council to enforce its own resolutions
is unmistakable: it is simply not up to the task. We are left
with coalitions of the willing. Far from disparaging them as a
threat to a new world order, we should recognise that they are,
by default, the best hope for that order, and the true
alternative to the anarchy of the abject failure of the UN..."
|
1 |
| CO3-09 |
New U.N.
resolution in Aug/Sep 03 |
Powell for Bush
"...said at the United Nations that the
United States would oppose any dilution of the hallowed
principle of "unity of command," which is a
critical point for the U.S. military..."
|
Josh
Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...
RICHARD HOLBROOKE, FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO UNITED NATIONS: ...
We should encourage Kofi Annan and his
colleagues to create a resolution in the Security Council which
creates a U.N. protective force for itself that operates as a
separate command within the overall American umbrella.
Secretary Powell said today at the U.N. that this would violate
the unity-of-command principle. With all due respect to a great
American hero who was a soldier, I don't understand that. We
have violated that principle in Afghanistan already, with NATO
on one side and the U.S. on the other. We can do it in Iraq. And
we need to do something fast. And I hope, by next week, we will
have a better resolution..." |
1 |
| CO4-01 |
Coalition of the
"willing" |
Fleischer
for Bush
"...The U.S. has "overwhelming
worldwide political support," Fleischer said, from
countries representing 1.18 billion people and $21.7 trillion in
combined Gross Domestic Product..." |
Jake
Tapper (Salon):
"...Fleischer did not mention that there are only two
countries in the world where, according to polling, a majority
of the population supports this war -- the U.S. and Israel --
whereas in almost every other country on this planet opposition
to this action is rather conclusive. Polling indicates, for
instance, that 95 percent of Macedonians oppose the war..."
Cory
Oldweiler (The American Prospect):
"...(Yes, the United States is included in the count;
otherwise, when Ari Fleischer recently bragged about the
combined GDP of the coalition, it would have only been $11.6
trillion, instead of $21.7 trillion.) But in the past our
government has tried to buy support of "allies" by
breaking the law -- remember the Iran-Contra scandal? Which
brings us to the last member of the coalition: Nicaragua
(46)..."
Also see: eRiposte
opinion poll summary |
2 |
| CO4-02 |
Coalition of the
"willing" |
Bush, Rumsfeld,
et al.
"..."We've got a huge
coalition," Bush said...going
so far as to argue that "the coalition that we've assembled
today is larger than the one assembled in 1991 in terms of the
number of nations participating."..."
Wolfowitz for
Bush
"...“In the event that force must be
used, our deployment will have the support in one form or
another of a formidable coalition,” he said. “The number of
countries involved will be in the substantial double digits.”..." |
Jake
Tapper (Salon):
"..."Indeed, the coalition in
this activity is larger than the coalition that existed during
the Gulf War in 1991," Rumsfeld said. Throughout the Pentagon, eyes no doubt rolled. "I think it's a little
disingenuous to compare the number of countries willing to send
soldiers into battle in 1991 with the number of countries who
are willing to put their names on a list in 2003," a
retired senior military officer who served in Operation Desert
Storm told Salon, declining to be named. Some 32 countries
provided troops in 1991, compared with three [as of 3/21 -
note that the number is slightly increasing over time: see
areporter - eds.] this time around..."
Jonathan
Wright (Reuters/Yahoo):
"...U.S. officials have named 33 countries which support
the U.S. invasion of Iraq but this includes countries which are
providing overflight and basing rights and which are giving only
diplomatic or political support for the invasion. President
Bush (news
- web
sites) said on Wednesday that 35 countries have chosen to
"share the honor" of supporting the campaign but U.S.
officials could not name more than the 33. They
say some 15 other countries are cooperating with the U.S. war
effort behind the scene, mostly by giving access to bases and
airspace, but they do not want to be named. In 1991 the United
States and its allies did not count countries which provided
overflight rights or political support because the campaign had
the overwhelming support of the U.N. Security Council, which had
voted 12-2 for the use of force..."
Joe
Conason (Salon):
"...Lawrence J. Korb, a former assistant secretary of
defense for Ronald Reagan, has referred to the coalition of the
willing as "window-dressing."..."
Dan
Balz and Mike Allen (Washington Post):
"...The countdown to war with Iraq intensified yesterday,
with administration officials issuing a list of 30 countries
that have publicly stated their support for the U.S.-led
conflict to disarm the Iraqi government...Secretary
of State Colin L. Powell released the names of the countries
included in what the administration calls the "coalition of
the willing." Powell said 15 more nations privately support
military action to remove Hussein. The list was shorter than
previously suggested by administration officials, who recently
said the coalition supporting the United States was in the
"high two digits," and it included such nations as
Eritrea, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Colombia and Ethiopia, which
have little to offer beyond moral support. Only a handful will
contribute to the U.S. military effort in the Persian Gulf
region..."
Also see: Daily
Howler |
1 |
| CO4-03 |
Coalition of the
"willing" |
Bush
"..."We've got a huge
coalition," Bush said...going
so far as to argue that "the coalition that we've assembled
today is larger than the one assembled in 1991 in terms of the
number of nations participating."..."
|
Joe
Conason (Salon):
"...Even with no requirements for participation on the
coalition list, several of those countries have expressed issues
with their inclusion on the
list. "The Government is completely unaware of such
statements being made, therefore wishes to disassociate itself
from the report," Solomon Islands Prime Minister Allan
Kemakeza said Wednesday. He had signed a letter in favor of the
U.S. campaign against terrorism, not Iraq, he said, according to
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation. A spokeswoman for the
Irish government told the Irish Times that Ireland was not
supporting the war either privately or publicly, despite its
inclusion on the State Department's list of countries secretly
supporting the war. The Czech Republic is listed as a coalition
member, though Prime Minister Vladimir Spidla and President
Vaclav Klaus have denied participation. Angola vanished from the
White House list of coalition members for four days, only to
reappear Tuesday night..."
Jake
Tapper (Salon):
"...Even those nominally included in the coalition are
bashing the war, however much President Bush thanks them for
their support. Portugal was added to the coalition list on
Thursday, but somebody forgot to send the country's president
the talking points. "Given that there is no mandate from
the United Nations, ... Portugal will not form part of the
military coalition which will be built up," Portuguese
President Jorge Sampaio said on Wednesday, according to Agence
France-Presse. "We will, however, allow our allies transit
rights, just as other countries have done, including some which
have expressed strong opposition to any military action against
Iraq." On Wednesday, State Department spokesman Richard
Boucher had moved Portugal, Singapore and Bulgaria from the
column of those that didn't want to be named to those in the
Coalition of the Willing...It might serve him well to do so,
though, because Portugal isn't the only State Department-labeled
"Willing" country having trouble deciding whether or
not it's in the coalition. Angolan Radio Ecclesia reported on
Wednesday that all 30 members of the Angolan National Assembly
spoke against the war; M.P. Joao Melo said that U.S. behavior
was "unilateralist" and
"imperialist."..."We are not having any kind of
involvement," a spokesman for the Eritrean Foreign Ministry
said to AFP, while backing the U.S. action. Eritrea is also a
member of the Coalition of the Willing...Another significant
difference between the coalitions of '91 and '03 is that the 36
total countries in the 1991 coalition -- including those that
didn't send troops -- ponied up some serious coin...Testifying
before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, on May 14, 1991,
Eugene J. McAllister, assistant secretary of state for economic
and business affairs...said that other countries kicked in
"$70 billion in total financial contributions,"
including $54.6 billion in military responsibility costs. Saudi
Arabia pledged $16.8 billion, Kuwait $16 billion, Germany $6.6
billion, the United Arab Emirates $4 billion, and Japan $10.7
billion. "We made a profit last time for heaven's
sake," Korb says. "It didn't cost us a nickel."
Conversely, this time "nobody's giving us any money, as far
as I can see."..."
Dan
Balz and Mike Allen (Washington Post):
"...Even some of those on the list
released by the State Department, however, were surprised to be
included. A senior diplomat at Colombia's
embassy in Washington seemed unaware that his nation had been
listed. Asked what support Colombia would contribute, the
diplomat referred to a statement issued by his government Monday
expressing support for stopping "the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction" and prevention of all forms of
terrorism "in a timely manner."..."
Also see: The
Guardian |
1 |
| CO5-01 |
Arab League
resolution |
Fleischer for
Bush
"...You're asking about an attack on
Iraq, and the president has said repeatedly that he has no plans
and nothing has crossed his desk. So that enters into the area
of hypothetical."..."
|
Jonathan
Chait (The New Republic):
"...Earlier this year, for example, the administration
praised an Arab League resolution supporting the Saudi peace
plan, but dismissed as irrelevant a resolution condemning a
possible U.S. attack on Iraq. A reporter asked why one Arab
League resolution mattered but the other didn't. "I'm not
going to speculate about plans that the president has said that
he has made no decisions on and have not crossed his desk,"
Fleischer replied. "That wasn't my question," the
reporter retorted. Fleischer insisted: "You're asking about
an attack on Iraq, and the president has said repeatedly that he
has no plans and nothing has crossed his desk. So that enters
into the area of hypothetical." Fleischer redefined a
question about something that had happened--the Arab League
resolution--into a question about something that hadn't--a U.S.
attack on Iraq--and then dismissed the latter as hypothetical..." |
1 |
PERIOD
OF SO-CALLED "MAJOR COMBAT" <go back to the top>
Compassion Con
credits total = 11
| # |
Topic |
President
Bush or his representative's
Compassionate statement |
Some
uncompassionate facts |
Compassion
Con Credits |
| AF1-01 |
Overall war success |
Cheney for Bush
"..."By any standard of even the
most dazzling charges in military history, the Germans in the
Ardennes in the spring of 1940 or Patton's romp in July of 1944,
the present race to Baghdad is unprecedented in its speed and
daring and in the lightness of casualties."..."
|
David
Olive (Toronto Star):
"...That is pure bunk. We'll
never know how "light" the casualties were. For, as
the New York Times reported last week, "powerful munitions
used by American and British forces probably left hundreds or
thousands of battlefield victims pulverized, burned or buried in
rubble."
The Bush administration wants it known that it has achieved
battlefield wizardry that can be safely deployed in future. But
what the U.S. forces did in Iraq against a poorly trained,
poorly motivated enemy on favourable terrain does not begin to
compare with the 38 days it took the Wehrmacht to bring the Low
Countries and France, one of the world's great military powers,
under Nazi subjugation in the spring of 1940.
Against fierce resistance in 1944, U.S. Gen. George Patton's 3rd
Army swept roughly 900 kilometres across northern France in two
weeks — more than twice the distance traversed by U.S. forces
between Kuwait and Baghdad. By war's end, Patton had inflicted
1.4 million casualties on the enemy..."
BBC:
"...About 13,000 Iraqis, including as many as 4,300
civilians, were killed during the major combat phase of the Iraq
war, according to a US research group.
It said the estimates were based on US combat data,
battlefield press reports, and Iraqi hospital surveys.
Despite the advent of precision weapons, more civilians died in
the latest conflict than in the 1991 war, the group suggests.
The US military has published no details on Iraqi deaths in
either war.
The study by the Project on Defense Alternatives (PDA) covers
the period from 19 March to the end of April.
It provides ranges of casualty levels, rather than specific
estimates.
It says that as few as 11,000 Iraqis may have been killed in the
war, or as many as 15,000 - the 13,000 being the mid-point
between the two figures. According to the
PDA, approximately 30% of the victims were
"non-combatants" - defined as civilians who did not
take up arms.
These are "working" figures, which could change as new
information becomes available, the group makes clear.
Paradox
The study estimates the Iraqi dead
during the 1991 Gulf War at some 3,500 civilians and between
20,000 and 26,000 soldiers.
The report says the Iraqi War fatalities point to the
"paradox of the New Warfare".
"One premise of the 'new warfare' hypothesis is that
precision technologies and new warfighting techniques now allow
the United States to wage war while incurring dramatically fewer
casualties - especially civilian casualties.
"Although Operation Iraqi Freedom was supposed to exemplify
the new warfare, it provides no unambiguous support for the
hypothesis regarding civilian casualties," the author
writes.
However, the report adds, "the power and promise of the new
warfare is evident in having achieved so much more in the 2003
war than in the 1991 war, while incurring a comparable or lower
cost in lives"..."
|
1 |
| AF2-01 |
Checkpoint civilian
deaths |
Pentagon
for Bush
"...Late on 31 March, US troops open fire
on a civilian van that fails to stop at a checkpoint. Seven
Iraqi women and children are killed, according to US officials...US
officials say the driver of the car failed to stop after warning
shots were fired over the car and then at its engine. Soldiers
fired at the passenger cabin "as a last
resort"...Pentagon officials insist that the correct
procedures were followed, and that soldiers had acted in
"the appropriate way".
|
BBC:
"...William Branigin, a reporter with the Washington Post
embedded with the US Third Infantry, witnesses the shooting and
has a different account. He says that 10 people were killed, and
no warning shots were fired. He reports that after the shooting
Captain Ronny Johnson, the commander at the checkpoint, yelled
at his platoon commander: "You just [expletive] killed a
family because you didn't fire a warning shot soon enough!"
US forces, according to William Branigin, offered the survivors
of the incident financial compensation..." |
1 |
| AF2-02 |
Baghdad
"bunker" strike |
Rumsfeld
for Bush
"...There's no question but
that the strike on that leadership headquarters [Saddam's
Baghdad "bunker"] was successful.
We have photographs of what took place. The question is, what
was in there?"..."
|
Reuters:
"...The Baghdad bunker which the United States said it
bombed on the opening night of the Iraq war in a bid to kill Saddam Hussein
never existed, CBS Evening News reported Wednesday.
The network quoted a U.S. Army colonel in charge of inspecting
key sites in Baghdad as saying no trace of a bunker or of bodies
had been found at the site on the southern outskirts of the
Iraqi capital, known as Dora Farms. "When we came out here,
the primary thing they were looking for was an underground
facility, or bodies, forensics, and basically, what they saw was
giant holes created. No underground facilities, no bodies,"
Col. Tim Madere said....
The network said the main palace in the compound remained
standing despite the surrounding destruction. It quoted Madere
as saying anyone who had been in the building could have
survived the raid. Shortly after the attack, Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld told reporters: "There's no question but
that the strike on that leadership headquarters was successful.
We have photographs of what took place. The question is, what
was in there?" The United States effectively acknowledged
that the March 20 raid failed to kill Saddam when it launched a
second air attack aimed at the Iraqi president on April 7..." |
1 |
| AF2-03 |
"Chemical"
Ali |
Rumsfeld et al.
for Bush
"..."We believe that the reign of
terror of Chemical Ali has come to an end. To Iraqis who have
suffered at his hand, particularly in the last few weeks in that
southern part of the country, he will never again terrorize you
or your families," Rumsfeld said at the time..."
|
AP:
"...U.S. officials had been confident
that a coalition airstrike killed one of Iraq's most notorious
officials, the man nicknamed "Chemical Ali." Now, they
are not so sure.
Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said
Thursday that interrogations of Iraqi prisoners indicated Ali
Hassan al-Majid might be alive.
Myers and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld had said on April
7 they believed an airstrike on a house in southern Iraq had
killed al-Majid. They showed reporters video of laser-guided
bombs obliterating the house where a tipster told coalition
forces al-Majid was staying.
"We believe that the reign of terror of Chemical Ali has
come to an end. To Iraqis who have suffered at his hand,
particularly in the last few weeks in that southern part of the
country, he will never again terrorize you or your
families," Rumsfeld said at the time..." |
1 |
| AF2-04 |
Iraqi scuds |
Bush
administration military spokesperson(s)
"...military spokesmen for the US and UK
announce that "Scud-type" missiles have been fired
into Kuwait..."
|
BBC:
"...Three days later US General Stanley McChrystal reports:
"So far there have been no Scuds launched."..."
Also see: Sam
Gardiner
|
1 |
| AF3-01 |
POWs |
Rumsfeld
for Bush (3/23/2003)
"There are international standards that
civilized regimes adhere to and then there are regimes like
Saddam Hussein['s]..."
Bush
(3/23/3003)
"... following the news that U.S.
soldiers had been captured by Iraqi forces during the U.S.-led
attack on Iraq, President George Bush said that "we expect
them to be treated humanely, just like we'll treat any prisoners
of theirs that we capture humanely ... If not, the people who
mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war
criminals."..."
Rumsfeld
for Bush
"..."the Geneva Convention indicates
that it's not permitted to photograph and embarrass or humiliate
prisoners of war, and if they do happen to be American or
coalition ground forces that have been captured, the Geneva
Convention indicates how they should be treated."(3) His
statement came after interviews with five captured U.S. soldiers
had been broadcast on Iraqi television..."
|
Salon.com:
"...[Amnesty report] On the same day,
about 30 more detainees were flown from Afghanistan to the U.S.
Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. This brought to about 660
the number of foreign nationals held in the base.(5) They come
from more than 40 countries. Most were taken into custody during
the international armed conflict in Afghanistan. Some have been
held in Guantánamo, without charge or trial, and without access
to lawyers, relatives or the courts, for more than a year. Their
treatment has flouted international standards.
From the outset, the U.S. government refused to grant any of the
Guantánamo detainees prisoner of war (POW) status or to have
any disputed status determined by a "competent
tribunal" as required under Article 5 of the Third Geneva
Convention. In April 2002, Amnesty International warned the U.S.
administration that its selective approach to the Geneva
Conventions threatened to undermine the effectiveness of
international humanitarian law protections for any U.S. or other
combatants captured in the future.(6) The organization received
no reply to this or other concerns it raised about the
detainees...to this day none of the Guantánamo detainees have
been granted POW status or appeared before a tribunal competent
to determine their status...
When the first of the detainees arrived in Guantánamo in
January 2002, the Pentagon released a photograph of the
detainees in orange jumpsuits, kneeling before U.S. soldiers,
shackled, handcuffed, and wearing blacked-out goggles over their
eyes and masks over their mouths and noses. The photograph
shocked world opinion and led Secretary Rumsfeld to acknowledge
that it was "probably unfortunate" that the picture
had been released, at least without better captioning. He added:
"My recollection is that there's something in the Geneva
Conventions about press people being around prisoners; that --
and not taking pictures and not saying who they are and not
exposing them to ridicule."...
Meanwhile the United States continues to hold the Guantánamo
detainees in very harsh conditions, most of them confined alone
to tiny cells for 24 hours a day and reportedly allowed to
"exercise" in shackles for only 30 minutes a week --
conditions which Amnesty International believes in their
totality amount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in
violation of international standards. The detainees remain in
their legal black hole, unable to challenge the lawfulness of
their detention, and with no indication as to how long they
might be so held. There have been numerous suicide attempts.
Family members are subject to the emotional distress of not
knowing how their loved ones are being treated, why exactly they
are being held, or when or if they will see them again.
Serious allegations of human rights violations do not stop with
the Guantánamo detainees. U.S. soldiers are reported to have
mistreated people detained during the military conflict in
Afghanistan. Villagers taken into custody in 2002 alleged that
they were tied up, blindfolded, hooded, kicked, punched, and
subject to other ill-treatment. As far as Amnesty International
is aware, no appropriate investigation has been carried out into
the allegations by the U.S. authorities.(10)
In a letter to President Bush on 10 March 2003, Amnesty
International called for a full, impartial inquiry into
allegations of torture and ill-treatment by U.S. personnel
against alleged al-Qaida and Taliban detainees held in the U.S.
Air Base in Bagram, Afghanistan. Autopsies revealed that two
prisoners who died in the Bagram detention facility in December
2002 had sustained "blunt force injuries." It has also
been alleged that detainees have been subjected to "stress
and duress" techniques, including hooding, prolonged
standing in uncomfortable positions, sleep deprivation and
24-hour illumination. The ICRC has reportedly not been granted
access to the section of the Bagram facility where this
treatment has allegedly taken place..."
Nat
Parry (Consortium News):
"...That charge was repeated over and
over by U.S. television networks, which spared the American
people the unpleasant sight of the halting conversations and
other scenes of dead U.S. soldiers.
Not only did the U.S. news media censor the video on Sunday,
U.S. television "reporters" stayed silent about the
obvious inconsistency between their outrage over the footage of
the American soldiers and the U.S. media's decision only a few
days earlier to run repeated clips of Iraqis identified as
prisoners of war.
In that case, Iraqi POWs were paraded before U.S. cameras as
"proof" that Iraqi resistance was crumbling. Some of
the scenes showed Iraqi POWs forced at gunpoint to kneel down
with their hands behind their heads as they were patted down by
U.S. soldiers.
Yet neither the Bush administration nor a single U.S. reporter
covering the war for the major news networks observed how those
scenes might be a violation of international law.
Then on Sunday, the same U.S. networks apparently
"forgot" about the earlier scenes of Iraqi POWs and
took up Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's charge that by
showing videotape of U.S. POWs, the Iraqis had contravened the
Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War.
"It's illegal to do things to POWs that are humiliating to
those prisoners," Rumsfeld said...
The U.S. television networks also did not see fit to remind
viewers how George W. Bush had drawn widespread international
condemnation a year ago for his decision to strip prisoners of
war captured in Afghanistan of their rights under the Geneva
Conventions.
Bush ordered hundreds of captives from Afghanistan to be put in
tiny outdoor cages at Camp X-Ray in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Those
prisoners were shaved bald and forced to kneel down with their
eyes, ears and mouths covered to deprive them of their senses.
The shackled prisoners were filmed being carried on stretchers
to interrogation sessions. Their humiliation was broadcast
widely for all the world to see.
In early 2002, U.S. allies objected to the humiliation of the
prisoners and to Bush's assertion that the prisoners were
"unlawful combatants" outside the protection of
international law. One of the chief arguments from European and
other nations was that by flouting the Geneva Conventions, Bush
was weakening respect for international law, a development that
could prove dangerous to U.S. and other soldiers in the future.
Some of the loudest criticism of Camp X-Ray came from the
staunchest U.S. ally, the United Kingdom, where three cabinet
ministers – Robin Cook, Patricia Hewitt and Jack Straw –
expressed concern that the prisoners were not being treated well
and that international agreements about the treatment of
prisoners of war were being breached.
Legal experts pointed out that "unlawful combatant" is
not a category recognized by international law. They also noted
that detainees whose status is in any doubt must be accorded all
rights enumerated in the Geneva Convention until a
"competent tribunal" is established to determine each
individual prisoner's legal status.
The Bush administration never established that "competent
tribunal." Bush instead unilaterally declared which
prisoners were POWs (with protections under the Geneva
Convention) and which ones were to be considered "unlawful
combatants" (with zero protections under the Geneva
Convention). Even those detainees that
Bush deemed POWs were only granted some rights under the
Convention, as determined by Bush. They were denied other
rights, again as determined by Bush..."
Gary
Jones (The Mirror):
"...THE Red Cross yesterday accused
Tony Blair and George Bush of breaching the Geneva Convention
over the shabby treatment of Iraqi prisoners of war.
The humanitarian organisation said the true number of PoWs and
their whereabouts was unknown, family visits have been denied
and there was no system in place to monitor arrests or pass on
details to the Red Cross.
A high-ranking official of the International Committee of the
Red Cross said: "It is an obligation of the occupying power
to notify us of any arrests but that's not happening. We are not
receiving anything like full information on prisoners of war.
"There is no proper notification. No organisation. There is
not the will to resolve this issue..."
Billmon/Whiskey
Bar:
"...U.S.
Arrests Wife of Saddam Deputy
American troops hunting for a top Saddam
Hussein deputy suspected of masterminding anti-U.S. attacks
arrested his wife and daughter in an apparent attempt to
pressure his surrender...
Troops of the U.S. 4th Infantry Division in Samarra, 70 miles
north of Baghdad, arrested the wife and daughter of Izzat
Ibrahim al-Douri, a top Saddam associate, division spokesman Lt.
Col. William MacDonald said Wednesday...
MacDonald gave no details on why the wife and daughter were
seized. American forces have frequently arrested relatives of
fugitives to interrogate them on their family member's
whereabouts and as a way of putting pressure on the wanted men
to surrender.
Persons taking no active part in
the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid
down their arms and those placed hors de combat by sickness,
wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all
circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse
distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex,
birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria.
To this end, the following
acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any
place whatsoever with respect to the above-mentioned persons...
Taking of hostages
Fourth Geneva Convention Article
3
Adopted August 12,1949..."
Also see Sam
Gardiner on the misleading statements made by Bush, Rumsfeld
and others on Iraqis executing POWs
|
3 |
| AF4-01 |
Flight over Iraq |
Bush WH spokesman
"...President Bush's journey home to
Washington took a surprise twist Thursday as he flew over Iraq.
Passing over Baghdad at 31,000 feet, Air Force One's pilot
tipped the plane sideways for a better view...Asked what the
president intended by the maneuver, White House press officer
Sean McCormack said: ``To demonstrate that Iraq is now
free.''..."
|
Diego
Ibarguen (San Jose Mercury News):
"...Later, however, White House press secretary Ari
Fleischer said the Air Force advised Chief of Staff Andrew Card
that flying over Iraq could get Bush home faster, so Card OK'd
the flight shift.
The president ``was very happy to, one, get home quicker . . .
and two, of course, he was very interested in Iraq,'' Fleischer
said aboard Air Force One as it neared Washington..."
|
1 |
| AF5-01 |
Syria smuggling
weapons |
Rumsfeld for Bush
"...suggested that Syria was responsible
for the shipment to Iraq of defense-related goods, including the
goggles, and warned that the United States considered "such
trafficking as hostile acts and would hold the Syrian government
accountable."..." |
Knut
Royce (Newsday):
"...The CIA has no credible evidence that the government of
Syria has had a role in the shipment of night-vision goggles and
other military equipment to Iraq, according to an administration
official familiar with U.S. intelligence in the region...And the
administration official yesterday said that while military
goods, including goggles, have been smuggled through Syria into
Iraq for many years, "It's not necessarily with the
knowledge, consent or approval of the Syrian government."
"It's not a new phenomenon," he said, "and it's
not clear it has the Syrian government's imprimatur." At
the same time, he said, military goods also have been shipped
into Iraq, in violation of UN sanctions, from border countries
much more aligned with the U.S. government, including Turkey and
Jordan..." |
1 |
| AF5-02 |
France's role with
respect to Iraq/Saddam |
Bush
administration
"...news stories, with anonymous
administration officials as sources, that appeared in the U.S.
media over the past nine months. A two-page list attached to the
letter includes reports of alleged French weapons sales to Iraq
and culminates in a report last week that French officials in
Syria issued French passports to escaping Iraqis being sought by
the U.S. military..."
|
Karen
DeYoung (Washington Post):
"...The French government believes it
is the victim of an "organized campaign of
disinformation" from within the Bush administration,
designed to discredit it with allegations of complicity with the
Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein.
In a letter prepared for delivery today to
administration officials and members of Congress, France details
what it says are false news stories, with anonymous
administration officials as sources, that appeared in the U.S.
media over the past nine months. A two-page list attached to the
letter includes reports of alleged French weapons sales to Iraq
and culminates in a report last week that French officials in
Syria issued French passports to escaping Iraqis being sought by
the U.S. military.
The stories, all of which Paris has heatedly denied, are part of
an "ugly campaign to destroy the image of France," a
French official said. Officials said they have no doubt that the
stories were spread by factions in the administration itself --
hard-line civilians within and close to the Pentagon are their
primary suspects -- and that there was no visible effort by the
White House or other departments to discipline those involved or
even find out who they are.
The unprecedented letter, signed by French Ambassador Jean-David
Levitte, is an indication of the depth and bitterness of the
breach between the two historic allies and NATO partners over
the issue of Iraq. Although French officials maintain they have
tried to overcome the differences and renew the partnership,
they say the administration has expressed little interest in
rapprochement..."
Also see: Sam Gardiner for a more detailed
analysis of the media war against the French - here
and here.
|
1 |
1. Now
some of you might wonder where this University is located - so, it is
appropriate to make it clear right here that this is not a real University - it
is only a hypothetical institute of lower higher learning.
2. I sometimes prefer to truncate the
words Compassionate Conservative to Compassion Con. There is no intent
here to imply anything significant by this (at least anything more than
is commonly understood). I reserve all moral clarity rights to the use
of this term. One Compassion Con credit is assigned to every instance of
compassion (i.e., misleading, deceptive or inaccurate statement or
outright lie/mendacity).
3.
Note that Compassionate statements made by Mr. Bush's spokespersons,
advisers or appointees - speaking clearly on behalf of Mr. Bush - are
considered as being supported by Mr. Bush, absent a public statement to
the contrary.
|