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UNIVERSITY OF COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATISM (what is this?) 

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COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATISM 203D*
*President Bush's lies and deception moral clarity, honesty and integrity 
on the
Iraq invasion - Part A

In this course you will learn about the abundant lies, deception or intent to deceive moral clarity, honesty and integrity displayed by compassionate conservative2 President George W. Bush (and his administration speaking on his behalf) on the Iraq invasion (Part A). This part covers his (Government's) miscellaneous statements relating to the assessed overall threat that Iraq posed, the reasons/justification for invading Iraq, the U.N. and "coalition" partners and the period of "major combat". Make sure you drop by again when the Election 04 (2004) campaign starts picking up steam, so that you can refresh your memory on his compassion. 

Please note that the statements made by Bush or his spokespersons/administration3 - as cited in column 3 of the tables below - are by default extracted from one or more of the links shown in column 4. If the source of the statements is different from the link(s) in column 4, then a URL is explicitly provided in column 3. For feedback and corrections, please go here.

A detailed acknowledgement of the sites from which the information below was obtained is listed at this location. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the following sites where I got the vast majority of links from: Atrios/Eschaton, Politics, Law and Autism, Calpundit, Buzzflash, Daily Howler, Talking Points Memo, Thinking it Through, BushwatchSpinsanity

Total Compassion Con credits 2 available from this course to date = 50

Last Update: 12/01/2003

 

"To questions about whether the attacks on Sept. 11 turned Bush into a better leader, Rove answered that Bush was a great leader all along," the Washington Post reported on December 12: " 'I for one don't buy this theory that September 11th somehow changed George Bush,' " Rove said. " 'You're just paying better attention. He is who he is.' "
"In a lot of ways he is exactly how he's always been, and I think people sort of see him now for how he's always been - very steady, and very disciplined, and a lot of resolve, but also a whole lot of compassion and a way to really connect with people," Laura [Bush] told Tim Russert on December 23.
(from Mark Crispin Miller, The Bush Dyslexicon)

Touché. 

MSNBC - 10/13/03 (bold text is my emphasis):
"...A key Republican lawmaker, Richard Lugar of Indiana, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that “the president has to be president” as his top advisers appeared to quarrel. Monday, Bush responded by telling Tribune Broadcasting, “The person who is in charge is me.”
       “In all due respect to politicians here in Washington, D.C., who make comments, they’re just wrong about our strategy,” Bush said. Referring to Paul Bremer, the U.S. civilian administrator in Iraq, by his nickname, Bush added: “We’ve had a strategy from the beginning. Jerry Bremer is running the strategy, and we are making very good progress about the establishment of a free Iraq.”..."

 

Once you are done with the above sections, you may choose another course by picking one of the options below

 

PRE-INVASION THREAT ASSESSMENTS AND JUSTIFICATIONS <go back to the top>

Compassion Con credits total = 20

# Topic President Bush or his representative's Compassionate statement Some Uncompassionate Facts Compassion Con Credits
WR1-01 Motives: Oil?

Powell for Bush

"...The oil of Iraq belongs to the people of Iraq..." 

Wolfowitz for Bush

"...This is not a war about oil. This is going to—if we have to use force, it's going to be to liberate Iraq, not to occupy Iraq. The oil resources belong to the Iraqi people..." 

Rumsfeld for Bush

"...An Iraq war has absolutely nothing to do with oil..."

Perle for Bush

"...I find the accusation that this administration has embarked upon this policy for oil to be an outrageous, scurrilous charge for which, when you asked for the evidence, you will note there was none...It is a lie, congressman. It's an out-and-out lie."..."

Fleischer for Bush (Oct 2002)

"...The only interest the United States has in the region is furthering the cause of peace and stability. We are not interested in Saddam Hussein's country's ability to generate oil."..."

James Ridgeway (Village Voice) via Bushwatch:
"...Four years ago Perle was singing a different tune. On January 26, 1998, Perle, Wolfowitz, and Rumsfeld, along with several others, signed a letter to President Clinton that said, "It hardly needs to be added that if Saddam does acquire the capability to deliver weapons of mass destruction, as he is almost certain to do if we continue along the present course, the safety of American troops in the region, of our friends and allies like Israel and the moderate Arab states, and a significant portion of the world's supply of oil will all be put at hazard."..."

H. Josef Hebert (AP/Yahoo):
"...Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task force appeared to have some interest in early 2001 in Iraq's oil industry, including which foreign companies were pursuing business there, according to documents released Friday by a private watchdog group. Judicial Watch, a conservative legal group, obtained a batch of task force-related Commerce Department (news - web sites) papers that included a detailed map of Iraq's oil fields, terminals and pipelines as well as a list entitled "Foreign Suitors of Iraqi Oilfield Contracts." 
The papers also included a detailed map of oil fields and pipelines in Saudi Arabia and in the United Arab Emirates and a list of oil and gas development projects in those two countries..."

World Industry News via Whodies (Oct 2002):
"...The US State Department has pushed back its planned meeting with Iraqi opposition leaders on exploiting Iraq's oil and gas reserves after a US military offensive removes Saddam Hussein from power to early December. According to a source at the State Department, all the desired participants are not yet available.
The Bush administration wants to have a working group of 12 to 20 people focused on Iraqi oil and gas to be able to recommend to an interim government ways of restoring the petroleum sector following a military attack in order to increase oil exports to partially pay for a possible US military occupation government - further fueling the view that controlling Iraqi oil is at the heart of the Bush campaign to replace Hussein with a more compliant regime..."

Donald Barlett and James Steele (Time):
"...
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has been firm and consistent on what the war in Iraq is not about. "It has nothing to do with oil, literally nothing to do with oil," he says. If it sounds as though he's protesting too much, it's because the Bush Administration is up against a prevailing world view that the burden of proof is on the U.S. to show that it won't exploit Iraq's underground riches. Hours after the invasion began, U.S. forces had seized two offshore terminals that can transfer 2 million bbl. daily to tankers. They secured the southern Rumaila oil field so swiftly that Saddam Hussein's retreating troops managed to set only nine wells ablaze, compared with 650 Kuwaiti wells during Gulf War I, and U.S. airborne troops took the northern oil fields at Kirkuk largely intact.
Three weeks later, when U.S. forces rolled into downtown Baghdad, they headed straight for the Oil Ministry building and threw up a protective shield around it. While other government buildings, ranging from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to the National Museum of Antiquities, were looted and pillaged, while hospitals were stripped of medicine and basic equipment, Iraq's oil records were safe and secure, guarded by the U.S. military. General Richard Myers, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had an explanation: "I think it's, as much as anything else, a matter of priorities."
Rumsfeld's disclaimer aside, the fact is that oil—who has it, who produces it, who fixes its price—governs everything of significance in the Persian Gulf and affects economies everywhere. While the Bush Administration has repeatedly asserted that Iraq's oil belongs to its citizens—"We'll make sure that Iraq's natural resources are used for the benefit of their owners, the Iraqi people," the President said—the stakes go far beyond Iraq. The amount of oil that Iraq brings to market will not just determine the living standards of Iraqis but affect everything from the Russian economy to the price Americans pay for gasoline, from the stability of Saudi Arabia to Iran's future.
Why is Iraq such a prize? Not only does it have the potential to become the world's largest producer, but no other country can do it as cheaply. That's because, for geological reasons, Iraq boasts the world's most prolific wells..."

1
WR2-01 Motive: Other? Cheney for Bush

"...said it was "reprehensible" that people would think the administration had "saved" its ammunition on Iraq to bring it out now, 60 days before an election. "So the suggestion that somehow, you know, we husbanded this and we waited is just not true," Cheney said..."

Dana Milbank (Washington Post) via Bushwatch:
"...Now where would people get such a cockamamie idea? Well, maybe from White House Chief of Staff Andrew H. Card Jr. and Bush political adviser Karl Rove, who made the case to the New York Times's Elisabeth Bumiller last week that they pretty much did what Cheney said they didn't do -- waited patiently and deliberately to launch a long-planned rollout. "From a marketing point of view, you don't introduce new products in August," Card said. Added Rove: "The thought was that in August the president is sort of on vacation."..."

Misleader.org:
"...Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz has acknowledged that in the first weekend after September 11th "the disagreement was whether [invading Iraq] should be in the immediate response or whether you should concentrate simply on Afghanistan first."2
Privately, the President began making it known in March 2002 that the decision to invade Iraq was a foregone conclusion. In an unscheduled appearance with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and Republican and Democratic Senators, Bush cursed Saddam and vowed, "We're taking him out." Weeks later, Vice President Dick Cheney said to a Senate Republican policy lunch that the question of attacking Iraq was not if, but when.3
The strategy of seeking United Nations approval for the invasion was hatched during an August dinner with Secretary of State Colin Powell at which "the agenda was not whether Iraq, but how."4 Publicly, though, the President continued to mislead the American public, saying the U. N. resolution "does not mean that military action is imminent or unavoidable."5..."

Dwight Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...if Saddam’s WMD program is on the verge of having such capability, what was President Bush doing taking a month’s vacation in August? We suspect that President Bush knows that Saddam has no such capability and knows that such capability is not eminent..."

1
WR2-02 Motive: Other? Bush

"...continued to say he has not yet decided whether to go to war..."

Bush

stated multiple times that war on Iraq will be a "last resort"

Bush

"...the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war..."

Karen DeYoung (Washington Post) via Bushwatch:
"...
In meetings yesterday with senior officials in Moscow, Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton told the Russian government that "we're going ahead," whether the council agrees or not, a senior administration official said. "The council's unity is at stake here."
A senior diplomat from another council member said his government had heard a similar message and was told not to anguish over whether to vote for war.
"You are not going to decide whether there is war in Iraq or not," the diplomat said U.S. officials told him. "That decision is ours, and we have already made it. It is already final. The only question now is whether the council will go along with it or not." President Bush has continued to say he has not yet decided whether to go to war. But the message being conveyed in high-level contacts with other council governments is that a military attack on Iraq is inevitable, these officials and diplomats said..."

Seymour Hersh (The New Yorker):
"...By early March, 2002, a former White House official told me, it was understood by many in the White House that the President had decided, in his own mind, to go to war..."

Misleader.org:
"...Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz has acknowledged that in the first weekend after September 11th "the disagreement was whether [invading Iraq] should be in the immediate response or whether you should concentrate simply on Afghanistan first."2
Privately, the President began making it known in March 2002 that the decision to invade Iraq was a foregone conclusion. In an unscheduled appearance with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and Republican and Democratic Senators, Bush cursed Saddam and vowed, "We're taking him out." Weeks later, Vice President Dick Cheney said to a Senate Republican policy lunch that the question of attacking Iraq was not if, but when.3
The strategy of seeking United Nations approval for the invasion was hatched during an August dinner with Secretary of State Colin Powell at which "the agenda was not whether Iraq, but how."4 Publicly, though, the President continued to mislead the American public, saying the U. N. resolution "does not mean that military action is imminent or unavoidable."5..."

Robert Parry (Consortium News):
"...Americans also don’t seem to mind that Bush appears to have deceived them for months when he claimed he hadn’t made up his mind about invading Iraq.
As he marched the nation to war, Bush presented himself as a Christian man of peace who saw war only as a last resort. But in a remarkable though little noted disclosure, Time magazine reported that in March 2002 – a full year before the invasion – Bush outlined his real thinking to three U.S. senators, “Fuck Saddam,” Bush said. “We’re taking him out.” Time actually didn’t report the quote exactly that way. Apparently not to offend readers who admire Bush’s moral clarity, Time printed the quote as “F--- Saddam. We’re taking him out.” Bush offered his pithy judgment after sticking his head in the door of a White House meeting between National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and three senators who had been discussing strategies for dealing with Iraq through the United Nations. The senators laughed uncomfortably at Bush’s remark, Time reported. [Time story posted March 23, 2003]. It now is clear that Bush never intended to avoid a war in Iraq, a conflict which has so far claimed the lives of at least 85 American soldiers and possibly thousands of Iraqis..."

2
WR3-01 Internal divisions on Iraq strategy  Fleischer for Bush

"...dismissed any suggestions of a split. He called suggestions of tension between Powell and Cheney, "much ado about no difference."..."

USA Today:
"...In an interview with the British Broadcasting Corp., Powell said that as a "first step" U.N. weapons inspectors must be allowed to return to Iraq. President Bush "has been clear that he believes weapons inspectors should return," Powell said.
Those comments appeared to contradict two speeches Cheney gave last week in which he said inspections should not be the primary goal of U.S. policy toward Iraq. Cheney said the key issue is Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein's drive to acquire nuclear weapons, and the return of inspectors, who left Iraq in 1998, "would provide no assurance."..."

Paul Krugman (New York Times):
"...Ari Fleischer's insistence that Mr. Powell and Mr. Cheney have no differences over Iraq seems to have pushed some journalists into facing up, at least briefly, to the obvious. ABC's weblog The Note described it as a "chocolate-is-vanilla" claim, admitting that "The Bush team has always had a credibility problem with some reporters because of their insistence on saying 'up is down' and 'black is white.'" But the administration needn't worry; if history is any guide, many reporters will soon return to their usual cringe. The next time the administration insists that chocolate is vanilla, much of the media — fearing accusations of liberal bias, trying to create the appearance of "balance" — won't report that the stuff is actually brown; at best they'll report that some Democrats claim that it's brown..."

1
WR4-01 Iraqi threat Bush

"...Saddam Hussein regime is a grave and gathering danger. To suggest otherwise is to hope against the evidence. To assume this regime's good faith is to bet the lives of millions and the peace of the world in a reckless gamble, and this is a risk we must not take..."

Powell for Bush

"...The gravity of this moment is matched by the gravity of the threat that Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction pose to the world..."

Cheney for Bush

"...The ability to criticize is one of the great strengths of our democracy. But those who do so have an obligation to answer this question: How could any responsible leader have ignored the Iraqi threat?...Those charged with the security of this nation could not read such an assessment and pretend that it did not exist. Ignoring such information, or trying to wish it away, would be irresponsible in the extreme...When the decision fell to him, President Bush was not willing to place the future of our security, and the lives of our citizens, at the mercy of Saddam Hussein. And so the President acted [and invaded Iraq]..."

David Corn (The Nation):
"...at the press conference, Bush said--as he has repeatedly--"the risk of doing nothing, the risk of hoping that Saddam Hussein changes his mind and becomes a gentle soul, the risk that somehow that inaction will make the world safer is a risk I'm not willing to take for the American people." With this statement, Bush was presenting a false dichotomy: war or nothing. If that's the choice, war may seem less avoidable. Yet the nations opposing his push for war--France, Germany, Canada--have indeed proposed other courses of action involving more aggressive and intrusive inspections. Bush is free to argue that such means cannot succeed and are not worth even attempting. Instead, he dismisses his opposition by suggesting it is naively and foolishly counting on Saddam's transformation into a saint. This has been one of the critical distortions he has used to promote his war...."

David Corn (The Nation):
"...But the influential UN members that opposed a war at this juncture--including Washington's closest allies--were not assuming Hussein's "good faith." They advocated reviving intrusive inspections and pursuing other means before contemplating war. But Bush implied--disingenuously--that weapons inspections would not work..."

Dave Koehler (Philly Burbs) via Carla Binion:
"...When facts are not available or convenient, there are many tricks one can use to present an argument. Here are a few examples of tactics the current administration is using to convince you and the world that invading Iraq is necessary. 
One of the favorite methods of the current administration is a false dilemma. This is when only two choices are given when, in reality, there are more options. Right after 9/11 you heard, “You are either with us or against us,” in the fight against terrorism. Actually, countries can be both against terrorism and not an ally of the U.S. More recently, many countries are showing that they are both against a pre-emptive war and against the current Iraqi regime. 
We are also hearing we must attack Iraq or Saddam will develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and threaten the world if we do nothing. Other options of monitoring with inspectors and containment are just flatly discounted. Are we to believe that Saddam could develop nuclear weapons while the world has him under a microscope?..."

2
WR4-02 Iraqi threat Bush

"...Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for the final proof—the smoking gun—that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud. As President Kennedy said in October of 1962, "Neither the United States of America, nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world," he said, "where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nations security to constitute maximum peril."..."

Joseph Cirincione and Dipali Mukhopadyay (Foreign Policy):
"...Theodore Sorenson, the Kennedy advisor who wrote these words, complained that this quote was taken totally out of context. "It was not intended to justify a pre-emptive strike, because JFK had specifically ruled out a preemptive strike..."
1
WR4-03 Iraqi threat Bush admin

"...the only possible use he could have for those weapons, is to dominate, intimidate or attack..."

Dennis Hans (Take Back the Media):
"...'Deterrence' is also a generally understood reason to develop WMD. Just ask the leaders of North Korea, Israel, Pakistan, India, Russia and the U.S. Deterrence and regional 'balance of power' considerations were obvious factors in Saddam's efforts in the 1980s to develop nuclear weapons. Not the only factors, but factors nonetheless..."
1
WR4-04 Iraqi threat Bush

called Iraq a "..."direct and growing threat,"..."

and 

"...Bush also repeated his favorite passive phrase, "If war is forced upon us."..."

Cheney for Bush

"...What we must not do in the face of a mortal threat," Cheney instructed a Nashville gathering of the Veterans of Foreign Wars in August 2002, "is give in to wishful thinking or willful blindness."..."

Dwight Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...if Saddam’s WMD program is on the verge of having such capability, what was President Bush doing taking a month’s vacation in August? We suspect that President Bush knows that Saddam has no such capability and knows that such capability is not eminent..."

Matthew Rothschild (The Progressive) via Dennis Hans:
"...
no one in the region, not even Israel, seems to agree. A New York Times article on Feb. 27, just a few pages away from the transcript of Bush's speech, noted, "The Israeli government and military elite believe that Saddam Hussein seeks devastating weapons but has far less capacity of mayhem than he had during the Persian Gulf war." And the claim that the threat is "growing" appears less credible by the day, as Iraq has now announced a decision to start dismantling the missiles in question and is in the process of destroying some mustard gas. What's more, with weapons inspectors on the ground and spy planes in the air, Saddam has no room to be a "growing" threat. He's in a box, and the walls of that box are closing in on him...Bush also repeated his favorite passive phrase, "If war is forced upon us." No one's forcing you, George!..."

David Olive (Toronto Star):
"...
With an invasion force the U.S. itself now boasts was of relatively minimal strength, Saddam's regime was easily toppled. On that point, the neo-con war hawks were correct. Iraq was poised to fall like a house of cards. By the second week of the conflict, Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, was saying he felt embarrassed by the Iraqis' poor fighting skills — or unwillingness to fight at all. As the enormity of the rout was clear early last week, the Pentagon was dismissing the Iraqi forces as "a paper army." Pushed to the wall, the Iraqi regime did not try to blunt the enemy advance by dipping into its vaunted stockpile of "weapons of mass destruction" — or perhaps that, too, was a paper inventory. Of course, the outcome of this dubious contest between the world's lone superpower and a puny, impoverished adversary with no allies was never in doubt. The U.S. and its British ally were taking on an enemy that had not been able to obtain spare parts for its tanks for the past decade and proved unable to get its fighter jets airborne..."

CBS News:
"...Thielmann's last job at the State Department was director of the Office of Strategic Proliferation and Military Affairs, which was responsible for analyzing the Iraqi weapons threat for Secretary Powell. He and his staff had the highest security clearances, and everything – whether it came into the CIA or the Defense Department – came through his office...
At the time of Powell's speech, Thielmann says that Iraq didn't pose an imminent threat to anyone: “I think it didn't even constitute an imminent threat to its neighbors at the time we went to war.”
But Thielmann also says that he believes the decision to go to war was made first, and then the intelligence was interpreted to fit that conclusion..."

John B. Judis and Spencer Ackerman (The New Republic):
"...Cheney's admonition is resonant, but not for the reasons he intended. The Bush administration displayed an acute case of willful blindness in making its case for war. Much of its evidence for a reconstituted nuclear program, a thriving chemical-biological development program, and an active Iraqi link with Al Qaeda was based on what intelligence analysts call "rumint." Says one former official with the National Security Council, "It was a classic case of rumint, rumor-intelligence plugged into various speeches and accepted as gospel."
In some cases, the administration may have deliberately lied. If Bush didn't know the purported uranium deal between Iraq and Niger was a hoax, plenty of people in his administration did--including, possibly, Vice President Cheney, who would have seen the president's State of the Union address before it was delivered. Rice and Rumsfeld also must have known that the aluminum tubes that they presented as proof of Iraq's nuclear ambitions were discounted by prominent intelligence experts. And, while a few administration officials may have genuinely believed that there was a strong connection between Al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein, most probably knew they were constructing castles out of sand.
The Bush administration took office pledging to restore "honor and dignity" to the White House. And it's true: Bush has not gotten caught having sex with an intern or lying about it under oath. But he has engaged in a pattern of deception concerning the most fundamental decisions a government must make. The United States may have been justified in going to war in Iraq--there were, after all, other rationales for doing so--but it was not justified in doing so on the national security grounds that President Bush put forth throughout last fall and winter. He deceived Americans about what was known of the threat from Iraq and deprived Congress of its ability to make an informed decision about whether or not to take the country to war..."

2
WR4-05 Iraqi threat Cheney for Bush

"...Last October, the Director of Central Intelligence issued a National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq's Continuing Programs of Weapons of Mass Destruction. That document contained the consensus judgments of the intelligence community, based upon the best information available about the Iraqi threat. The NIE declared -- quote: "We judge that Iraq has continued its weapons of mass destruction program, in defiance of UN Resolutions and restrictions. Baghdad has chemical and biological weapons, as well as missiles with ranges in excess of UN restrictions. If left unchecked, it probably will have a nuclear weapon during this decade." End quote. Those charged with the security of this nation could not read such an assessment and pretend that it did not exist [CG emphasis]..."

Walter Pincus (Washington Post):
"...At the center of the political debate over the intelligence preceding the war in Iraq is the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) -- the 100-page, top secret document that hurriedly pulled together judgments from across the U.S. intelligence community about the threat posed by Saddam Hussein and the potential dangers involved in an invasion.
Such estimates are usually requested by the White House and take months to prepare, with the CIA and other elements of the U.S. intelligence community weighing their own information and working out disagreements after review and debate. But this one was rushed into production only after requests from Democratic senators who were being asked to give President Bush authorization to go to war. [CG emphasis]
"The NIE was hastily done in three weeks," one senior intelligence expert said. "It was a cut-and-paste job, with agencies and officials given only one day to review the draft final product when they usually take months. . . . Today they still disagree on the meaning of what came out."
As the Bush administration built its case for war against Iraq in the fall of 2002, a thorough NIE would seem to have been crucial: Hussein's reported chemical, biological or nuclear weapons were central to the pro-war argument. Equally important were questions about how likely Hussein was to use such weapons against U.S. troops or worse, the U.S. homeland.
Yet as late as September 2002, Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), wrote to the chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, "I am deeply concerned that the intelligence community has not prepared a National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) assessing Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capabilities." [CG emphasis]
Durbin's letter also referred to what some senior analysts inside the intelligence community see as the reason no NIE had been sought by the White House: a reluctance to submit individual intelligence findings to challenge from competing analysts.
"Without an NIE," Durbin said, "agencies may never have an opportunity to examine each others' data, and any differences or similarities between the reports could provide important information to policymakers." [CG emphasis]
On Sept. 11, Sen. Bob Graham (D-Fla.), then the Senate committee chairman, sent a classified letter to CIA Director George J. Tenet requesting what one congressional source described as an "end-to-end NIE on Iraq." That meant, the source said, that it would include not only an assessment of Hussein's weapons but also judgments on "what the war would be like and how the postwar would play out."
Tenet quickly approved the request once the president was informed, according to a senior intelligence official. At the same time, a decision was made to produce a declassified version that senators could use during public debate.
Asked in an interview last summer why administration policymakers had not sought an NIE before making their decisions on Iraq, Tenet said, "We had covered parts of all those programs over 10 years through NIEs and other reports, and we had a ton of community product on all these issues."..."

Hullaballoo:
"...It's very interesting to see the administration quoting at length from the vaunted NIE as if it were a sacred rune. On September 12, 2002, the president went to the UN and proclaimed:
Today, Iraq continues to withhold important information about its nuclear program -- weapons design, procurement logs, experiment data, an accounting of nuclear materials and documentation of foreign assistance. Iraq employs capable nuclear scientists and technicians. It retains physical infrastructure needed to build a nuclear weapon. Iraq has made several attempts to buy high-strength aluminum tubes used to enrich uranium for a nuclear weapon. Should Iraq acquire fissile material, it would be able to build a nuclear weapon within a year. And Iraq's state-controlled media has reported numerous meetings between Saddam Hussein and his nuclear scientists, leaving little doubt about his continued appetite for these weapons
[...]
Delegates to the General Assembly, we have been more than patient. We've tried sanctions. We've tried the carrot of oil for food, and the stick of coalition military strikes. But Saddam Hussein has defied all these efforts and continues to develop weapons of mass destruction. The first time we may be completely certain he has a -- nuclear weapons is when, God forbids, he uses one. We owe it to all our citizens to do everything in our power to prevent that day from coming.

Just 2 days before, however, on the Senate floor, Dick Durbin said:
As a member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, I am deeply concerned that the intelligence community has not completed the most basic document which is asked of them before the United States makes such a critical life-or-death decision...
I was stunned to learn last week that we have not produced a national intelligence estimate showing the current state of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. What is incredible, with all of the statements made by members of this administration about those weapons, is the fact that the intelligence community has not been brought together...
...When we are talking about a possible invasion of Iraq and a war against Iraq, why haven't we really created the most basic document that we have the power to create in this Government--the national intelligence estimate--so we know exactly what we may be up against in Iraq? It has not been done.

So one was prepared. Apparently, only because Dick Durbin explicitly asked for it:
This morning, I handed a letter to the deputy to Director Tenet asking that he give it to the Director personally, asking that they move as quickly as possible to establish and create this national intelligence estimate...

Two days later, Bush was proclaiming to the UN, quite without reservation, that (amongst other things) Saddam would be able to make a bomb within a year if he could obtain fissile material.
So, the NIE is not exactly the best evidence for why the administration believed that Iraq was a serious threat because the NIE didn't exist until a Democrat specifically requested it. The administration was quite "convinced" of Iraq's WMD threat long before it was produced. So convinced, apparently, that they didn't feel the need to produce one themselves before they launched their Iraq invasion marketing plan last September. [CG emphasis]..."
1

(being extremely compassionate here)

WR4-06 Iraqi threat Cheney for Bush

"...Some claim we should not have acted because the threat from Saddam Hussein was not imminent. Yet, as the president has said, "Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intention, politely putting us on notice before they strike?'' ..."

Compassiongate:
How compassionate of our VP to forget the reams of intelligence about the 9/11 hijackers and the threat of airline/suicide hijackings before 9/11! Obviously those who strike may not specify the exact time and location they want to strike at. But the incompetence compassion of the administration does not miraculously mean that all the information the CIA and FBI had on bin Laden's or other fanatics' intentions or plans did not exist. The administration is now waxing poetically about the threat due to Saddam Hussein's intentions. How come this moral clarity was not evident before 9/11 in assessing and responding to Al Qaeda's known intentions?
1
WR4-07 Iraqi threat Cheney for Bush

"...In the days of the Cold War, we were able to manage the threat with strategies of deterrence and containment. But it’s a lot tougher to deter enemies who have no country to defend. And containment is not possible when dictators obtain weapons of mass destruction, and are prepared to share them with terrorists who intend to inflict catastrophic casualties on the United States..."

James K. Galbraith (Texas Observer):
"...
Now, some of what Mr. Cheney says is plainly true. Al Qaeda cannot be deterred, nor can it be safely contained. But then, the rejection of these doctrines in favor of pre-emptive self-defense is unnecessary to justify action against Al Qaeda. Al Qaeda has already attacked us, numerous times. We are clearly justified in pursuing them to the ends of the earth. 
The more difficult question is whether the new doctrine is needed for the case of Iraq. And again the answer is no. Saddam Hussein does have a country and a regime to defend. He was deterred effectively from the use of chemical weapons against Israel in 1991. He is contained–by all evidence–within (a fraction of) his own country today. And he is subject to the enforcement power of the Security Council, with respect to his disarmament commitments, as Mr. Bush correctly argued to the U.N. two weeks ago. However, proceeding on that ground requires that we also accept the judgment of the Security Council as to what specific enforcement actions are justified at this moment. 
And so it would appear that the doctrine of pre-emptive self-defense has been resurrected now for one reason only–to defy the authority of the Security Council and the U.N. Charter, to justify a war on Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq on terms, conditions, and timetables dictated by ourselves alone..."

Gene Healy (Cato Institute):
"...The administration argues that Saddam Hussein may not be deterrable. But it has provided no reason to believe that deterrence—which sufficed to contain nuclear-armed Mao and Stalin, the gold and silver medallists in the 20th Century's genocidal Olympics—will not work And it ignores the fact that Hussein has demonstrably and repeatedly been deterred from using weapons of mass destruction against enemies capable, like the U.S., of massive retaliation...
...again, Hussein had chemical weapons during the Gulf War. However, in response to a thinly veiled American threat of nuclear retaliation, he chose not to use them. None of the 42 scuds launched at Israel was tipped with chemical weapons. He didn't even use them against American forces driving him out of Kuwait, and possibly marching onto Baghdad: none of the 40-some scuds shot at allied forces during the war had chemical payloads...
A scud delivery comes with a return address, they argue; delivery by terrorist intermediaries may not. But if Hussein ever considered this strategy, the evidence suggests that deterrence worked here as well. Hussein first got nerve gas over 20 years ago. His hatred of Israel predates his hatred of the U.S. (Israel launched a preventive airstrike on the Osirik nuclear reactor in 1981, after all). Hussein's had longstanding links with anti-Israel terror groups like the Palestine Liberation Front and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Thus, he's long had the means, the motive, and the requisite links with people who would carry out a sneak chemical attack on Israel. If using terrorists as a WMD delivery system is such a foolproof scheme and if it would be so hard to discern who the culprit was, then why hasn't Hussein tried at least once over the years to use them against (militarily dominant and nuclear armed) Israel? Hint: the answer's in the parentheses..."

2
WR5-01 Iraq
 and democracy
Bush

"...spoke about a liberated Iraq showing "the power of freedom to transform that vital region" and said "a new regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring example of freedom for other nations in the region."..."

Walter Pincus and Dana Milbank 
(Washington Post, MSNBC)
:
"...But a classified State Department report put together by the department's intelligence and research staff and delivered to Powell the same day as Bush's speech questioned that theory, arguing that history runs counter to it...."
1
WR6-01 Iraq disarmament Bush

"...called for a congressional resolution that "sends a clear signal that the country is determined to disarm Iraq and thereby bring peace to the world."..."

Dwight Meredith (P.L.A.):
"...
MR. RUSSERT: But what’s your goal? Disarmament or regime change?
VICE PRES. CHENEY: The president’s made it clear that the goal of the United States is regime change. He said that on many occasions..."
1
WR6-02 Iraq disarmament Bush

"...said that a disarmed Hussein could remain in power, because, in one artful phrase, it would mean "the regime will have effectively changed."..."

Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...The administration's return to its original goal -- ousting Hussein -- is a reflection that it no longer has hope of winning international support for its effort by describing its principal goal as disarmament. The objective, Cheney said plainly yesterday, "clearly is to get rid of his government and to put a new one in its place. And that's what we think is required in order to achieve the objectives of eliminating his WMD," or weapons of mass destruction.
1
WR7-01 Iraq planning Wolfowitz for Bush

"...[said that] the recent estimate by Gen. Eric K. Shinseki of the Army that several hundred thousand troops would be needed in postwar Iraq, [was] "wildly off the mark."..."

Eric Schmitt (New York Times) via GlobalPolicy.org:
"...Pentagon officials have put the figure closer to 100,000 troops. Mr. Wolfowitz then dismissed articles in several newspapers this week asserting that Pentagon budget specialists put the cost of war and reconstruction at $60 billion to $95 billion in this fiscal year. He said it was impossible to predict accurately a war's duration, its destruction and the extent of rebuilding afterward.
"We have no idea what we will need until we get there on the ground," Mr. Wolfowitz said at a hearing of the House Budget Committee..."

George Will (Washington Post):
"...Paul Wolfowitz, deputy secretary of defense, was wrong in congressional testimony before the war. Although he said "we have no idea what we will need until we get there on the ground," he insisted that Gen. Eric Shinseki, a veteran of peacekeeping in the Balkans, was "wildly off the mark" in estimating that several hundred thousand troops would be needed in occupied Iraq. .."

1
WR7-02 Iraq planning Wolfowitz for Bush

"...Mr. Wolfowitz ticked off several reasons why he believed a much smaller coalition peacekeeping force than General Shinseki envisioned would be sufficient to police and rebuild postwar Iraq.
He said there was no history of ethnic strife in Iraq, as there was in Bosnia or Kosovo..."

Uncertain Principles - 2/28/03:
"...
There's no ethnic strife in Iraq, 'cause, y'know, that whole business with the Kurds is just a big misunderstanding. It's not like they need, I don't know, thousands of sorties by American and British pilots every year to prevent Saddam from attacking them... And, of course, the Shi'ites and "Marsh Arabs" in the southern part of Iraq are all shiny, happy people with no qualms whatsoever about remaining part of Iraq...
Why would anybody trust these clowns with the keys to a Volvo, let alone the most powerful military machine in the history of the world?..."
1

 

The U.N. and "COALITION" BUILDING <go back to the top>

Compassion Con credits total = 19

# Topic President Bush or his representative's Compassionate statement Some uncompassionate facts Compassion Con Credits
CO1-01 Second UN Resolution and France Bush

"...some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq..."

Compassiongate:
Bush's reference was clearly to the French. The French did not threaten to veto a resolution to compel disarmament (considering that the first resolution compels disarmament) but one that would mean automatic war if disarmament did not occur.

Stanley Hoffman (New York Review of Books):
"...Colin Powell stated that Jacques Chirac had said that France wouldn't go to war against Iraq "under any circumstances." In fact, as Powell must have known, and as I have been told on very good authority, the French President had earmarked French forces for war if the inspectors, after a limited number of weeks and after having followed a series of "benchmarks" not dissimilar from those Tony Blair had demanded, concluded that Iraq did have forbidden weapons and could not be disarmed peacefully. French diplomacy could be faulted for not making its positions clearer; but Chirac's statement referred only to the text of the second resolution drafted by the US and Britain for submission to the Security Council, and then withdrawn. On March 16, after the US turned down Chirac's proposal to consider using force if the inspectors reached an impasse in Iraq in thirty days, he told Christine Amanpour on 60 Minutes that if "our strategy, inspections, were failing, we would consider all the options, including war."..."

1
CO1-02 Second UN Resolution and France Bush

"...citing "an interesting phenomena taking place here in America about the French . . . a backlash against the French, not stirred up by anybody except the people."..."

Paul Krugman (New York Times):
"...Mr. Bush was disingenuous when he described the backlash against the French as "not stirred up by anybody except the people." On the same day that the report of his interview appeared, The Financial Times carried the headline, "Hastert Orchestrates Tirade Against the French." That's Dennis Hastert, the speaker of the House of Representatives. In fact, anti-French feeling has been carefully fomented by Republican officials, Rupert Murdoch's media empire and other administration allies. Can you blame Mexicans for interpreting Mr. Bush's remarks as a threat to do the same to them?..."
1
CO2-01 Iraq and U.N. in 1998  Bush administration

"...Iraq under Saddam has defied U.N. resolutions to give up its WMDs and to disarm for 4,199 days, Bush noted. U.N. weapons inspectors were kicked out of Iraq in 1998, and Bush pointed out that the Iraqis had "blocked effective inspections of so-called presidential sites..."

FAIR via WhoDies:
"...The story centers on the Iraq crisis that broke out on December 16, 1998. Richard Butler, head of the United Nations weapons inspection team in Iraq, had just released a report accusing the Iraqi regime of obstructing U.N. weapons checks. On the basis of that report, President Clinton announced he would launch airstrikes against Iraqi targets. Out of concern for their safety, Butler withdrew his inspectors from Iraq, and the U.S.-British bombing proceeded. 
The Washington Post reported all these facts correctly at the time: A December 18 article by national security correspondent Barton Gellman reported that "Butler ordered his inspectors to evacuate Baghdad, in anticipation of a military attack, on Tuesday night."
But in the 14 months since then, the Washington Post has again and again tried to rewrite history--claiming that Saddam Hussein expelled the U.N. inspectors from Iraq. Despite repeated attempts by its readers to set the record straight in letters to the editor, the Post has persisted in reporting this fiction.
Not only did Saddam Hussein not order the inspectors' retreat, but Butler's decision to withdraw them was--to say the least--highly controversial. The Washington Post (12/17/98) reported that as Butler was drafting his report on Iraqi cooperation, U.S. officials were secretly consulting with him about how to frame his conclusions..."
1
CO3-01 First U. N. Resolution (1441) Bush

"...signalled that he did not believe that a second resolution was absolutely necessary, and warned the Council that if it sits idle, he will lead a coalition of nations to disarm Iraq by force. "I've never felt we needed a resolution; 1441 speaks very clearly," he told reporters...."

Cheney for Bush

"...Last November, the U.N. Security Council passed a unanimous resolution finding Iraq in material breach of its obligations and vowing serious consequences in the event Saddam Hussein did not fully and immediately comply. When Saddam Hussein failed even then to comply, our coalition acted to deliver those serious consequences..."

Josh Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...But the wording which the other countries demanded and received was wording which they believed put them in charge of deciding when or if there would be war. At the time, Ireland's Ambassdor to the UN said the word changes kept "the hands of the council members as a whole on the steering wheel of the resolution in the future. It's of enormous significance." 
The problem for the United States is that we pretty clearly went on the record validating this other interpretation. Here's what America's UN Representative John Negroponte said at the UN on the day the resolution passed ...
"There's no 'automaticity' and this is a two-stage process, and in that regard we have met the principal concerns that have been expressed for the resolution. Whatever violation there is, or is judged to exist, will be dealt with in the council, and the council will have an opportunity to consider the matter before any other action is taken..."
What he was saying there was that 1441 was not self-enforcing. Its language and what counted as an infraction was to be decided by the Security Council. This was the price we paid for getting for getting the unanimous vote.
What this means pretty clearly is that we cannot claim that Resolution 1441 gives us any basis for doing what we're about to do..."

Oliver Burkeman and Julian Borger (The Guardian):
"...
International lawyers and anti-war campaigners reacted with astonishment yesterday after the influential Pentagon hawk Richard Perle conceded that the invasion of Iraq had been illegal.
In a startling break with the official White House and Downing Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: "I think in this case international law stood in the way of doing the right thing."
President George Bush has consistently argued that the war was legal either because of existing UN security council resolutions on Iraq - also the British government's publicly stated view - or as an act of self-defence permitted by international law. 
But Mr Perle, a key member of the defence policy board, which advises the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said that "international law ... would have required us to leave Saddam Hussein alone", and this would have been morally unacceptable..."

1
CO3-02 U.N. credibility based on resolution 1441 BEFORE THE INVASION

Bush

"...We'll see whether or not the United Nations will be the United Nations or the League of Nations when it comes to dealing with this man who for 11 years has thumbed his nose at resolution after resolution after resolution after resolution...My intent, of course, is for the United Nations to do its job...The choice is up to the United Nations to show its resolve.  The choice is up to Saddam Hussein to fulfill his word.  And if neither of them acts, the United States, in deliberate fashion, will lead a coalition to take away the world's worst weapons from one of the world's worst leaders..."

Fleischer for Bush

"...If the UN weapons inspectors "go in under the current regime, it is a fool's errand to call them inspectors," Fleischer added.  "They will be nothing more than tourists who get a run-around," he said..."

Bush

"...The credibility of the Security Council is at stake..."

Bush

"..."After 11 years during which we have tried containment, sanctions, inspections, even selected military action, the end result is that Saddam Hussein still has chemical and biological weapons and is increasing his capabilities to make more...Clearly, to actually work, any new inspections, sanctions, or enforcement mechanisms will have to be very different," he added..."

BEFORE THE INVASION

Note: The U.N. has been very relevant for decades without explicitly authorizing many of the United States' military operations in other countries. War is not the only aspect that the U.N. was set up for. One of it's goals is world peace.

Joe Conason (Salon):
"...Has everybody seen the videotape of Colin Powell's remarks about Saddam's weapons of mass destruction on Feb. 24, 2001?...Here is what Powell told reporters on that day in Cairo at a press conference with the Egyptian foreign minister Amr Moussa. Asked about angry local reaction to his visit because of American policy toward Iraq, the secretary of state sought to explain: 
"We had a good discussion, the foreign minister and I and the president and I, had a good discussion about the nature of the sanctions -- the fact that the sanctions exist -- not for the purpose of hurting the Iraqi people, but for the purpose of keeping in check Saddam Hussein's ambitions toward developing weapons of mass destruction. We should constantly be reviewing our policies, constantly be looking at those sanctions to make sure that they are directed toward that purpose. That purpose is every bit as important now as it was 10 years ago when we began it. And frankly they have worked. He has not developed any significant capability with respect to weapons of mass destruction. He is unable to project conventional power against his neighbors."..."

David Corn (The Nation):
"...UN Security Council Resolution 1441 promised there would be "serious consequences" if Saddam Hussein did not comply with its disarmament orders. It did not define these consequences. What Bush has been saying is that unless the Security Council embraces his definition of "serious consequences"--war right now--it is a pointless body. "The credibility of the Security Council is at stake," he maintained. But what if the Security Council were to decide to toughen up the inspections and conduct them for another five months? Why would that be evidence of its meaninglessness? Indeed, it is Bush who is placing the Security Council in a position of irrelevance. Should he ignore the deeply-felt sentiments of its member-nations (and the populations they represent) and launch a war unsupported by the Security Council, it will be he who is declaring--and proving--that the United Nations does not really matter..." 

2
CO3-03 U.N. credibility

AFTER DAVID KAY'S REPORT

Kay for Bush

"...What I was not saying is that sanctions were working..."

Cheney for Bush

"...Twelve years of diplomacy, more than a dozen Security Council resolutions, hundreds of U.N. weapons inspectors, thousands of flights to enforce the no-fly zones and even strikes and against military targets in Iraq, all of these measures were tried to compel Saddam Hussein's compliance with the terms of the 1991 Gulf War cease-fire. All of these measures failed..."

Fleischer for Bush

"...If the UN weapons inspectors "go in under the current regime, it is a fool's errand to call them inspectors," Fleischer added.  "They will be nothing more than tourists who get a run-around," he said..."

Bush

"..."After 11 years during which we have tried containment, sanctions, inspections, even selected military action, the end result is that Saddam Hussein still has chemical and biological weapons and is increasing his capabilities to make more...Clearly, to actually work, any new inspections, sanctions, or enforcement mechanisms will have to be very different," he added..."

Bryan Bender (Boston Globe):
"...David Kay, the Bush administration's chief weapons investigator in Iraq, said yesterday he believes United Nations inspections and international sanctions put in place after the 1991 Gulf War were more effective in frustrating Saddam Hussein's plans for weapons of mass destruction than the United States had realized...Kay told reporters that the 1,200 members of his Iraq Survey Group have been surprised "at how often" top Iraqi scientists and policy makers "refer to the impact of sanctions" in their interviews with the Americans. Kay added that it "may be necessary to reassess what we thought" about the effectiveness of the UN effort...
Blix, in an interview with BBC, said he doubted that Iraq could have easily developed weapons of mass destruction.
"I think one should have some caution there, because the Security Council had never intended to abandon long-term monitoring, so the Iraqis would not have been left alone to proceed with whatever they had started," he said. "If they can develop weapons of mass destruction in five years or 10 years, well, that certainly is not imminent."
David Albright, a former UN weapons inspector and now director of the Institute for Science and International Security, said: "Iraq did not comply, and I support the Bush administration statements to that effect. But the administration has not been able to substantiate its claim that the threat was imminent. I think Hans Blix and ElBaradei deserve an apology."..."

Bob Drogin (The New Republic):
"..."I think, by and large, that's close to where we are now," Kay had replied in his soft drawl when asked directly if U.N. sanctions had stymied Saddam's ability to produce weapons of mass destruction (WMD). "I don't know if it's close to where we will be. We have been struck, in probably three hundred interviews with Iraqi scientists, engineers, and senior officials, how often they refer to the impact of sanctions and the perceived impact of sanctions in terms of regime behavior," Kay had gone on. "So it may well be necessary to reassess what a lot of us ... quite frankly thought was the eroding impact of sanctions over the years." 
Now, at the end of a 90-minute conference call with reporters on October 3, Kay clearly was having second thoughts--or had been urged to have them...
"What I was not saying is that sanctions were working," he declared, reversing his earlier statement. Kay said his progress report--most of which remains classified-- indicates that Saddam had concluded by late 1999 or early 2000 that he could work around U.N. sanctions and that convincing the U.N. Security Council to lift them "was no longer the most important thing."
Then Kay tacked back again. "So it's going to be a difficult thing to finally assess the impact of sanctions," he admitted. American intelligence officials, he added, "probably did not adequately assess the psychological impact over the years that sanctions may have had on decision-making" in Baghdad. Kay groped his way to a conclusion. "This is one that we're going to have to deal with in the final report because it is key to a lot of issues," he said.
As I listened to Kay that day, I felt a bit sorry for him...Kay found no evidence that Iraq had taken significant steps to build nuclear weapons or produce fissile material after 1991. No evidence that aluminum tubes had been used to enrich uranium. No proof that two trucks carrying laboratory equipment had been designed to produce biowarfare agents, as the president had claimed. No smallpox, anthrax, or VX. No chemical or biological weapons ready to fire in 45 minutes--indeed, no poison gases or germ weapons at all. At worst, Saddam had "aspirations and intentions" to acquire WMD. Even Pat Roberts, the dour Kansas Republican who chairs the Senate Select Intelligence Committee and is usually a staunch supporter of both the Bush administration and the CIA, announced he was "not pleased" with the results..."

Dana Milbank and Walter Pincus (Washington Post):
"...David Kay, the chief U.S. weapons inspector in Iraq, presented a different view in his congressional testimony last week. For example, he said: "Information found to date suggests that Iraq's large-scale capability to develop, produce, and fill new CW [chemical weapons] munitions was reduced -- if not entirely destroyed -- during Operations Desert Storm and Desert Fox, 13 years of U.N. sanctions and U.N. inspections." ..."

James Pinkerton (Newsday):
"..."All of these measures failed," Cheney said.
No, actually, all those measures succeeded, which is why we haven't found anything resembling a weapon of mass destruction in Iraq..."

Council for a Livable World:
"...However, the inspectors were very effective in eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.  From 1991 to 1998, UNSCOM, the U.N. inspection agency, destroyed 38,537 chemical munitions, 690 tons of chemical warfare agents, 3,275 tons of precursor chemicals, biological growth media, the Al Hakam biological warfare facility, 48 missiles, 50 warheads, 20 tons of missile fuel, 5 combat mobile launchers, 56 fixed launch sites and 75 components for 350mm and 1000mm guns.  (Appendix I, 13th Quarterly Report of UNMOVIC, May 30, 2003)..."

1
CO3-04 U. N. credibility Bush

"...And because there were consequences, because a coalition of nations acted to defend the peace and the credibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free..."

David Corn (The Nation):
"...Bush also argued that the United States, by invading Iraq, had "acted to defend...the credibility of the United Nations," falsely suggesting that the UN had been unwilling to take any steps in the face of Iraq's violations of Security Council resolutions. But the UN was moving toward more intrusive and aggressive inspections when Bush launched the war. It might be that the UN actions would not have happened or might have ended up ineffective, but Bush has repeatedly maintained that there was only one choice: go to war or do nothing. That is a misrepresentation..."

Oliver Burkeman and Julian Borger (The Guardian):
"...
International lawyers and anti-war campaigners reacted with astonishment yesterday after the influential Pentagon hawk Richard Perle conceded that the invasion of Iraq had been illegal.
In a startling break with the official White House and Downing Street lines, Mr Perle told an audience in London: "I think in this case international law stood in the way of doing the right thing."
President George Bush has consistently argued that the war was legal either because of existing UN security council resolutions on Iraq - also the British government's publicly stated view - or as an act of self-defence permitted by international law. 

But Mr Perle, a key member of the defence policy board, which advises the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said that "international law ... would have required us to leave Saddam Hussein alone", and this would have been morally unacceptable..."

Compassiongate:
Should I say something about "defend the peace"? Nah, the compassion there is obvious.

1
CO3-05 U.N.

Cheney for Bush

"...Another criticism we hear is that the United States, when its security is threatened, may not act without unanimous international consent. Under this view, even in the face of a specific stated agreed-upon danger, the mere objection of even one foreign government would be sufficient to prevent us from acting. This view reflects a deep confusion about the requirements of our national security. Though often couched in high-sounding terms of unity and cooperation, it is a prescription for perpetual disunity and obstructionism...So often, and so conveniently, it amounts to a policy of doing exactly nothing..."

Jay Bookman (Atlanta Journal-Constitution) via Atrios:
"...Then Cheney got to the core of his argument:
"Another criticism we hear is that the United States, when its security is threatened, may not act without unanimous international consent. Under this view, even in the face of a specific agreed-upon danger, the mere objection of even one foreign government would be sufficient to prevent us from acting."
With that statement, Cheney abandons deception and traipses merrily into the Land of the Completely Absurd. Nobody -- not the Democrats, not the United Nations, not even the French -- makes the argument that he describes. It would be insane to do so.
Cheney invents that argument to support his larger point: After Sept. 11, the Bush administration at least did something, while its less-than-manly critics would have done nothing.
And that is the ultimate falsehood.
The true policy choice is between actions that make things better for the United States and actions that make things worse. If we were to assess the invasion of Iraq on those grounds, the outcome would be something like this:
Saddam had no WMD, no nuclear program and no ties to al-Qaida. So invading Iraq did little or nothing to improve our security. It did, however, come at a cost that may take decades to fully tally.
The invasion has strained our alliances and international standing, making it difficult to draw support against real threats in North Korea and Iran. Our military is overextended. The financial toll is $150 billion and counting; the toll in U.S. lives continues to mount as well..."

Compassiongate:
The VP's use of words like "unanimous international consent" is very compassionate indeed. The U.S. has acted militarily several times in the past without "unanimous international consent" - so that wouldn't be something new in itself (what would be "new" is fake compassionate pre-emption). When there was risk that the U.N. would not work, NATO has been used successfully to drive military action in Kosovo. The point is that when there was no imminent threat of an attack by Saddam, when there was no evidence whatsoever that Iraq was involved with 9/11, when there was no real evidence of a working relationship between Iraq and Al Qaeda, when two of the countries most significantly involved in 9/11 and with Al Qaeda (other than Afghanistan) were Pakistan and Saudi Arabia (and they are being treated like bosom buddies), when Iran and North Korea are/were building a nuclear program that actually posed a much greater threat (unlike Saddam), there was no case for invading Iraq. Period. So the "deep confusion about the requirements of our national security" emanates not from the critics of the administration but from within the frauds in the compassionate administration itself.  
Not to mention that the U.N. did not advocate doing "exactly nothing". It advocated stringent inspections under a threat of force, based on President Bush's prodding.

2

(just being extremely compassionate here)

CO3-06 U.N.

Rice for Bush

"...Had any one of these examples [in David Kay's report] been discovered last winter, the Security Council would have had no choice but to take exactly the same course that President Bush followed: to declare Saddam Hussein in defiance of Resolution 1441, and enforce its serious consequences.."

Josh Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...Really? Is that how it is?
Every administration fudges, conceals, or deceives in this way or that. But, at least in my memory, I cannot remember any administration or even any administration official that so routinely says things that are the polar opposite of reality --- when the facts to the contrary are sitting right out there in the open.
Set aside all the ridiculous efforts to spin the details of the Kay Report into some sort of vindication for the White House. The one thing the Report clearly shows is that Saddam was doing far less on the WMD front than even our staunchest international critics suggested. Given that they were unwilling to go to war when they thought he had some stocks of WMD, it’s awfully hard to figure why they would go to war once it confirmed that he had none.
It’s just more up-is-downism. The same ridiculous spin as a year ago.
.."
1
CO3-07 New U.N. resolution in Aug/Sep 03

Powell for Bush

"...said his colleagues and Annan's staff were exploring with council members "language that might call on member states to do more."..."Perhaps additional language and a new resolution might encourage others," Powell said. "There is a willingness to come together to help the Iraqi people.."

Josh Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"...
I was a lot less heartened when I heard this exchange Thursday evening between Paula Zahn and Dick Holbrooke ...
PAULA ZAHN, CNN ANCHOR: I'm now also joined by Richard Holbrooke, former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations to help us better understand what took place at the U.N. today. Not a very good day for Colin Powell, was it?
RICHARD HOLBROOKE, FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO UNITED NATIONS: Not a good day for the United States.
I think Bill Cohen, my former Cabinet colleague, put it exactly right when he said that we need to try to bring the international community in. And that means a little flexibility for the U.N. What Colin Powell did today at the U.N. was come to New York and offer the same resolution, essentially, that we'd offered two weeks ago and portray it as a tribute to the fallen and great and brave Sergio Vieira de Mello and the other U.N. people.
This created a very, very unfortunate attitude at the U.N. among other nation states.
ZAHN: How so?
HOLBROOKE: Including many countries that want to help us.
Well, they were offended by it. Now, what is the answer to this? As Bill Cohen just said to you, we need to internationalize the effort..."
1
CO3-08 New U.N. resolution in Sep 03

Bush (Sep 2003)

"...All the challenges I have spoken of this morning require urgent attention and moral clarity: helping Afghanistan and Iraq to succeed as free nations in a transformed region, cutting off the avenues of proliferation, abolishing modern forms of slavery. These are the kinds of great tasks for which the United Nations was founded [CG emphasis]...
The founding documents of the United Nations and the founding documents of America stand in the same tradition. Both assert that human beings should never be reduced to objects of power or commerce, because their dignity is inherent.
Both recognize a moral law that stands above men and nations which must be defended and enforced by men and nations. And both point the way to peace, the peace that comes when all are free. We secure that peace with our courage, and we must show that courage together [CG emphasis]..."

E. J. Dionne (Washington Post):
"...Yet the president who is now paying a price for ignoring the United Nations is the same president who mocked those Democrats who were wary of going to war without full U.N. support. On Sept. 13, 2002 -- before the midterm elections -- Bush characterized such Democrats as saying: "I think I'm going to wait for the United Nations to make a decision." Bush went on: "If I were running for office, I'm not sure how I'd explain to the American people -- say, 'vote for me, and, oh, by the way, on a matter of national security, I'm going to wait for somebody else to act.' " [CG emphasis] ..."

Billmon/Whiskey Bar:
"...The Bush administration has abandoned the idea of giving the United Nations more of a role in the occupation of Iraq as sought by France, India and other countries as a condition for their participation in peacekeeping there, administration officials said on Wednesday ...
"The administration is not willing to confront going to the Security Council and saying, 'We really need to make Iraq an international operation,"' said an administration official. "You can make a case that it would be better to do that, but, right now, the situation in Iraq is not that dire."
U.S. Abandons Plan for Greater U.N. Role in Iraq
New York Times
August 13, 2003..."

Richard Perle (The Guardian):
"...Saddam Hussein's reign of terror is about to end. He will go quickly, but not alone: in a parting irony, he will take the UN down with him. Well, not the whole UN. The "good works" part will survive, the low-risk peacekeeping bureaucracies will remain, the chatterbox on the Hudson will continue to bleat. What will die is the fantasy of the UN as the foundation of a new world order [CG emphasis]. As we sift the debris, it will be important to preserve, the better to understand, the intellectual wreckage of the liberal conceit of safety through international law administered by international institutions...
...is the security council capable of ensuring order and saving us from anarchy? History suggests not...
This new century now challenges the hopes for a new world order in new ways. We will not defeat or even contain fanatical terror unless we can carry the war to the territories from which it is launched. This will sometimes require that we use force against states that harbour terrorists, as we did in destroying the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.
The most dangerous of these states are those that also possess weapons of mass destruction. Iraq is one, but there are others. Whatever hope there is that they can be persuaded to withdraw support or sanctuary from terrorists rests on the certainty and effectiveness with which they are confronted. The chronic failure of the security council to enforce its own resolutions is unmistakable: it is simply not up to the task. We are left with coalitions of the willing. Far from disparaging them as a threat to a new world order, we should recognise that they are, by default, the best hope for that order, and the true alternative to the anarchy of the abject failure of the UN..."

1
CO3-09 New U.N. resolution in Aug/Sep 03

Powell for Bush

"...said at the United Nations that the United States would oppose any dilution of the hallowed  principle of "unity of command," which is a critical point for the U.S. military..."

Josh Marshall (Talking Points Memo):
"... RICHARD HOLBROOKE, FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO UNITED NATIONS: ...
We should encourage Kofi Annan and his colleagues to create a resolution in the Security Council which creates a U.N. protective force for itself that operates as a separate command within the overall American umbrella.
Secretary Powell said today at the U.N. that this would violate the unity-of-command principle. With all due respect to a great American hero who was a soldier, I don't understand that. We have violated that principle in Afghanistan already, with NATO on one side and the U.S. on the other. We can do it in Iraq. And we need to do something fast. And I hope, by next week, we will have a better resolution.
.."
1
CO4-01 Coalition of the "willing" Fleischer for Bush

"...The U.S. has "overwhelming worldwide political support," Fleischer said, from countries representing 1.18 billion people and $21.7 trillion in combined Gross Domestic Product..."

Jake Tapper (Salon)
"...Fleischer did not mention that there are only two countries in the world where, according to polling, a majority of the population supports this war -- the U.S. and Israel -- whereas in almost every other country on this planet opposition to this action is rather conclusive. Polling indicates, for instance, that 95 percent of Macedonians oppose the war..."

Cory Oldweiler (The American Prospect):
"...(Yes, the United States is included in the count; otherwise, when Ari Fleischer recently bragged about the combined GDP of the coalition, it would have only been $11.6 trillion, instead of $21.7 trillion.) But in the past our government has tried to buy support of "allies" by breaking the law -- remember the Iran-Contra scandal? Which brings us to the last member of the coalition: Nicaragua (46)..."

Also see: eRiposte opinion poll summary

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CO4-02 Coalition of the "willing" Bush, Rumsfeld, et al.

"..."We've got a huge coalition," Bush said...going so far as to argue that "the coalition that we've assembled today is larger than the one assembled in 1991 in terms of the number of nations participating."..."

Wolfowitz for Bush

"...“In the event that force must be used, our deployment will have the support in one form or another of a formidable coalition,” he said. “The number of countries involved will be in the substantial double digits.”..."

Jake Tapper (Salon)
"...
"Indeed, the coalition in this activity is larger than the coalition that existed during the Gulf War in 1991," Rumsfeld said. Throughout the Pentagon, eyes no doubt rolled. "I think it's a little disingenuous to compare the number of countries willing to send soldiers into battle in 1991 with the number of countries who are willing to put their names on a list in 2003," a retired senior military officer who served in Operation Desert Storm told Salon, declining to be named. Some 32 countries provided troops in 1991, compared with three [as of 3/21 - note that the number is slightly increasing over time: see areporter - eds.] this time around..."

Jonathan Wright (Reuters/Yahoo):
"...U.S. officials have named 33 countries which support the U.S. invasion of Iraq but this includes countries which are providing overflight and basing rights and which are giving only diplomatic or political support for the invasion.
President Bush (news - web sites) said on Wednesday that 35 countries have chosen to "share the honor" of supporting the campaign but U.S. officials could not name more than the 33. They say some 15 other countries are cooperating with the U.S. war effort behind the scene, mostly by giving access to bases and airspace, but they do not want to be named. In 1991 the United States and its allies did not count countries which provided overflight rights or political support because the campaign had the overwhelming support of the U.N. Security Council, which had voted 12-2 for the use of force..."

Joe Conason (Salon):
"...Lawrence J. Korb, a former assistant secretary of defense for Ronald Reagan, has referred to the coalition of the willing as "window-dressing."..."

Dan Balz and Mike Allen (Washington Post):
"...The countdown to war with Iraq intensified yesterday, with administration officials issuing a list of 30 countries that have publicly stated their support for the U.S.-led conflict to disarm the Iraqi government...Secretary of State Colin L. Powell released the names of the countries included in what the administration calls the "coalition of the willing." Powell said 15 more nations privately support military action to remove Hussein. The list was shorter than previously suggested by administration officials, who recently said the coalition supporting the United States was in the "high two digits," and it included such nations as Eritrea, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Colombia and Ethiopia, which have little to offer beyond moral support. Only a handful will contribute to the U.S. military effort in the Persian Gulf region..."

Also see: Daily Howler

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CO4-03 Coalition of the "willing" Bush

"..."We've got a huge coalition," Bush said...going so far as to argue that "the coalition that we've assembled today is larger than the one assembled in 1991 in terms of the number of nations participating."..."

Joe Conason (Salon):
"...Even with no requirements for participation on the coalition list, several of those countries have expressed issues with their inclusion on the list. "The Government is completely unaware of such statements being made, therefore wishes to disassociate itself from the report," Solomon Islands Prime Minister Allan Kemakeza said Wednesday. He had signed a letter in favor of the U.S. campaign against terrorism, not Iraq, he said, according to Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation. A spokeswoman for the Irish government told the Irish Times that Ireland was not supporting the war either privately or publicly, despite its inclusion on the State Department's list of countries secretly supporting the war. The Czech Republic is listed as a coalition member, though Prime Minister Vladimir Spidla and President Vaclav Klaus have denied participation. Angola vanished from the White House list of coalition members for four days, only to reappear Tuesday night..."

Jake Tapper (Salon)
"...Even those nominally included in the coalition are bashing the war, however much President Bush thanks them for their support. Portugal was added to the coalition list on Thursday, but somebody forgot to send the country's president the talking points. "Given that there is no mandate from the United Nations, ... Portugal will not form part of the military coalition which will be built up," Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio said on Wednesday, according to Agence France-Presse. "We will, however, allow our allies transit rights, just as other countries have done, including some which have expressed strong opposition to any military action against Iraq." On Wednesday, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher had moved Portugal, Singapore and Bulgaria from the column of those that didn't want to be named to those in the Coalition of the Willing...It might serve him well to do so, though, because Portugal isn't the only State Department-labeled "Willing" country having trouble deciding whether or not it's in the coalition. Angolan Radio Ecclesia reported on Wednesday that all 30 members of the Angolan National Assembly spoke against the war; M.P. Joao Melo said that U.S. behavior was "unilateralist" and "imperialist."..."We are not having any kind of involvement," a spokesman for the Eritrean Foreign Ministry said to AFP, while backing the U.S. action. Eritrea is also a member of the Coalition of the Willing...Another significant difference between the coalitions of '91 and '03 is that the 36 total countries in the 1991 coalition -- including those that didn't send troops -- ponied up some serious coin...Testifying before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, on May 14, 1991, Eugene J. McAllister, assistant secretary of state for economic and business affairs...said that other countries kicked in "$70 billion in total financial contributions," including $54.6 billion in military responsibility costs. Saudi Arabia pledged $16.8 billion, Kuwait $16 billion, Germany $6.6 billion, the United Arab Emirates $4 billion, and Japan $10.7 billion. "We made a profit last time for heaven's sake," Korb says. "It didn't cost us a nickel." Conversely, this time "nobody's giving us any money, as far as I can see."..."

Dan Balz and Mike Allen (Washington Post):
"...Even some of those on the list released by the State Department, however, were surprised to be included.
A senior diplomat at Colombia's embassy in Washington seemed unaware that his nation had been listed. Asked what support Colombia would contribute, the diplomat referred to a statement issued by his government Monday expressing support for stopping "the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction" and prevention of all forms of terrorism "in a timely manner."..."

Also see: The Guardian

1
CO5-01 Arab League resolution Fleischer for Bush

"...You're asking about an attack on Iraq, and the president has said repeatedly that he has no plans and nothing has crossed his desk. So that enters into the area of hypothetical."..."

Jonathan Chait (The New Republic):
"...Earlier this year, for example, the administration praised an Arab League resolution supporting the Saudi peace plan, but dismissed as irrelevant a resolution condemning a possible U.S. attack on Iraq. A reporter asked why one Arab League resolution mattered but the other didn't. "I'm not going to speculate about plans that the president has said that he has made no decisions on and have not crossed his desk," Fleischer replied. "That wasn't my question," the reporter retorted. Fleischer insisted: "You're asking about an attack on Iraq, and the president has said repeatedly that he has no plans and nothing has crossed his desk. So that enters into the area of hypothetical." Fleischer redefined a question about something that had happened--the Arab League resolution--into a question about something that hadn't--a U.S. attack on Iraq--and then dismissed the latter as hypothetical..."
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PERIOD OF SO-CALLED "MAJOR COMBAT" <go back to the top>

Compassion Con credits total = 11

# Topic President Bush or his representative's Compassionate statement Some uncompassionate facts Compassion Con Credits
AF1-01 Overall war success Cheney for Bush

"..."By any standard of even the most dazzling charges in military history, the Germans in the Ardennes in the spring of 1940 or Patton's romp in July of 1944, the present race to Baghdad is unprecedented in its speed and daring and in the lightness of casualties."..."

David Olive (Toronto Star):
"...That is pure bunk. We'll never know how "light" the casualties were. For, as the New York Times reported last week, "powerful munitions used by American and British forces probably left hundreds or thousands of battlefield victims pulverized, burned or buried in rubble." 
The Bush administration wants it known that it has achieved battlefield wizardry that can be safely deployed in future. But what the U.S. forces did in Iraq against a poorly trained, poorly motivated enemy on favourable terrain does not begin to compare with the 38 days it took the Wehrmacht to bring the Low Countries and France, one of the world's great military powers, under Nazi subjugation in the spring of 1940. 
Against fierce resistance in 1944, U.S. Gen. George Patton's 3rd Army swept roughly 900 kilometres across northern France in two weeks — more than twice the distance traversed by U.S. forces between Kuwait and Baghdad. By war's end, Patton had inflicted 1.4 million casualties on the enemy..."

BBC:
"...About 13,000 Iraqis, including as many as 4,300 civilians, were killed during the major combat phase of the Iraq war, according to a US research group.
It said the estimates were based on US combat data, battlefield press reports, and Iraqi hospital surveys.
Despite the advent of precision weapons, more civilians died in the latest conflict than in the 1991 war, the group suggests.
The US military has published no details on Iraqi deaths in either war.
The study by the Project on Defense Alternatives (PDA) covers the period from 19 March to the end of April.
It provides ranges of casualty levels, rather than specific estimates.
It says that as few as 11,000 Iraqis may have been killed in the war, or as many as 15,000 - the 13,000 being the mid-point between the two figures.
According to the PDA, approximately 30% of the victims were "non-combatants" - defined as civilians who did not take up arms.
These are "working" figures, which could change as new information becomes available, the group makes clear.
Paradox
The study estimates the Iraqi dead during the 1991 Gulf War at some 3,500 civilians and between 20,000 and 26,000 soldiers.
The report says the Iraqi War fatalities point to the "paradox of the New Warfare".
"One premise of the 'new warfare' hypothesis is that precision technologies and new warfighting techniques now allow the United States to wage war while incurring dramatically fewer casualties - especially civilian casualties.
"Although Operation Iraqi Freedom was supposed to exemplify the new warfare, it provides no unambiguous support for the hypothesis regarding civilian casualties," the author writes.
However, the report adds, "the power and promise of the new warfare is evident in having achieved so much more in the 2003 war than in the 1991 war, while incurring a comparable or lower cost in lives"..."

1
AF2-01 Checkpoint civilian deaths Pentagon for Bush

"...Late on 31 March, US troops open fire on a civilian van that fails to stop at a checkpoint. Seven Iraqi women and children are killed, according to US officials...US officials say the driver of the car failed to stop after warning shots were fired over the car and then at its engine. Soldiers fired at the passenger cabin "as a last resort"...Pentagon officials insist that the correct procedures were followed, and that soldiers had acted in "the appropriate way".

BBC:
"...William Branigin, a reporter with the Washington Post embedded with the US Third Infantry, witnesses the shooting and has a different account. He says that 10 people were killed, and no warning shots were fired. He reports that after the shooting Captain Ronny Johnson, the commander at the checkpoint, yelled at his platoon commander: "You just [expletive] killed a family because you didn't fire a warning shot soon enough!" US forces, according to William Branigin, offered the survivors of the incident financial compensation..."
1
AF2-02 Baghdad "bunker" strike Rumsfeld for Bush

"...There's no question but that the strike on that leadership headquarters [Saddam's Baghdad "bunker"] was successful. We have photographs of what took place. The question is, what was in there?"..."

  Reuters:
"...The Baghdad bunker which the United States said it bombed on the opening night of the Iraq war in a bid to kill Saddam Hussein never existed, CBS Evening News reported Wednesday. The network quoted a U.S. Army colonel in charge of inspecting key sites in Baghdad as saying no trace of a bunker or of bodies had been found at the site on the southern outskirts of the Iraqi capital, known as Dora Farms. "When we came out here, the primary thing they were looking for was an underground facility, or bodies, forensics, and basically, what they saw was giant holes created. No underground facilities, no bodies," Col. Tim Madere said....
The network said the main palace in the compound remained standing despite the surrounding destruction. It quoted Madere as saying anyone who had been in the building could have survived the raid. Shortly after the attack, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld told reporters: "There's no question but that the strike on that leadership headquarters was successful. We have photographs of what took place. The question is, what was in there?" The United States effectively acknowledged that the March 20 raid failed to kill Saddam when it launched a second air attack aimed at the Iraqi president on April 7..."
1
AF2-03 "Chemical" Ali Rumsfeld et al. for Bush

"..."We believe that the reign of terror of Chemical Ali has come to an end. To Iraqis who have suffered at his hand, particularly in the last few weeks in that southern part of the country, he will never again terrorize you or your families," Rumsfeld said at the time..."

AP:
"...U.S. officials had been confident that a coalition airstrike killed one of Iraq's most notorious officials, the man nicknamed "Chemical Ali." Now, they are not so sure.
Gen. Richard Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said Thursday that interrogations of Iraqi prisoners indicated Ali Hassan al-Majid might be alive.
Myers and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld had said on April 7 they believed an airstrike on a house in southern Iraq had killed al-Majid. They showed reporters video of laser-guided bombs obliterating the house where a tipster told coalition forces al-Majid was staying.
"We believe that the reign of terror of Chemical Ali has come to an end. To Iraqis who have suffered at his hand, particularly in the last few weeks in that southern part of the country, he will never again terrorize you or your families," Rumsfeld said at the time..."
1
AF2-04 Iraqi scuds Bush administration military spokesperson(s)

"...military spokesmen for the US and UK announce that "Scud-type" missiles have been fired into Kuwait..."

BBC:
"...Three days later US General Stanley McChrystal reports: "So far there have been no Scuds launched."..."

Also see: Sam Gardiner

1
AF3-01 POWs Rumsfeld for Bush (3/23/2003)

"There are international standards that civilized regimes adhere to and then there are regimes like Saddam Hussein['s]..."

Bush (3/23/3003)

"... following the news that U.S. soldiers had been captured by Iraqi forces during the U.S.-led attack on Iraq, President George Bush said that "we expect them to be treated humanely, just like we'll treat any prisoners of theirs that we capture humanely ... If not, the people who mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war criminals."..."

Rumsfeld for Bush

"..."the Geneva Convention indicates that it's not permitted to photograph and embarrass or humiliate prisoners of war, and if they do happen to be American or coalition ground forces that have been captured, the Geneva Convention indicates how they should be treated."(3) His statement came after interviews with five captured U.S. soldiers had been broadcast on Iraqi television..."

Salon.com:
"...[Amnesty report] On the same day, about 30 more detainees were flown from Afghanistan to the U.S. Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. This brought to about 660 the number of foreign nationals held in the base.(5) They come from more than 40 countries. Most were taken into custody during the international armed conflict in Afghanistan. Some have been held in Guantánamo, without charge or trial, and without access to lawyers, relatives or the courts, for more than a year. Their treatment has flouted international standards.
From the outset, the U.S. government refused to grant any of the Guantánamo detainees prisoner of war (POW) status or to have any disputed status determined by a "competent tribunal" as required under Article 5 of the Third Geneva Convention. In April 2002, Amnesty International warned the U.S. administration that its selective approach to the Geneva Conventions threatened to undermine the effectiveness of international humanitarian law protections for any U.S. or other combatants captured in the future.(6) The organization received no reply to this or other concerns it raised about the detainees...to this day none of the Guantánamo detainees have been granted POW status or appeared before a tribunal competent to determine their status...
When the first of the detainees arrived in Guantánamo in January 2002, the Pentagon released a photograph of the detainees in orange jumpsuits, kneeling before U.S. soldiers, shackled, handcuffed, and wearing blacked-out goggles over their eyes and masks over their mouths and noses. The photograph shocked world opinion and led Secretary Rumsfeld to acknowledge that it was "probably unfortunate" that the picture had been released, at least without better captioning. He added: "My recollection is that there's something in the Geneva Conventions about press people being around prisoners; that -- and not taking pictures and not saying who they are and not exposing them to ridicule."...
Meanwhile the United States continues to hold the Guantánamo detainees in very harsh conditions, most of them confined alone to tiny cells for 24 hours a day and reportedly allowed to "exercise" in shackles for only 30 minutes a week -- conditions which Amnesty International believes in their totality amount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment in violation of international standards. The detainees remain in their legal black hole, unable to challenge the lawfulness of their detention, and with no indication as to how long they might be so held. There have been numerous suicide attempts. Family members are subject to the emotional distress of not knowing how their loved ones are being treated, why exactly they are being held, or when or if they will see them again.
Serious allegations of human rights violations do not stop with the Guantánamo detainees. U.S. soldiers are reported to have mistreated people detained during the military conflict in Afghanistan. Villagers taken into custody in 2002 alleged that they were tied up, blindfolded, hooded, kicked, punched, and subject to other ill-treatment. As far as Amnesty International is aware, no appropriate investigation has been carried out into the allegations by the U.S. authorities.(10)
In a letter to President Bush on 10 March 2003, Amnesty International called for a full, impartial inquiry into allegations of torture and ill-treatment by U.S. personnel against alleged al-Qaida and Taliban detainees held in the U.S. Air Base in Bagram, Afghanistan. Autopsies revealed that two prisoners who died in the Bagram detention facility in December 2002 had sustained "blunt force injuries." It has also been alleged that detainees have been subjected to "stress and duress" techniques, including hooding, prolonged standing in uncomfortable positions, sleep deprivation and 24-hour illumination. The ICRC has reportedly not been granted access to the section of the Bagram facility where this treatment has allegedly taken place..."

Nat Parry (Consortium News):
"...That charge was repeated over and over by U.S. television networks, which spared the American people the unpleasant sight of the halting conversations and other scenes of dead U.S. soldiers. 
Not only did the U.S. news media censor the video on Sunday, U.S. television "reporters" stayed silent about the obvious inconsistency between their outrage over the footage of the American soldiers and the U.S. media's decision only a few days earlier to run repeated clips of Iraqis identified as prisoners of war.
In that case, Iraqi POWs were paraded before U.S. cameras as "proof" that Iraqi resistance was crumbling. Some of the scenes showed Iraqi POWs forced at gunpoint to kneel down with their hands behind their heads as they were patted down by U.S. soldiers.
Yet neither the Bush administration nor a single U.S. reporter covering the war for the major news networks observed how those scenes might be a violation of international law.
Then on Sunday, the same U.S. networks apparently "forgot" about the earlier scenes of Iraqi POWs and took up Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's charge that by showing videotape of U.S. POWs, the Iraqis had contravened the Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War.
"It's illegal to do things to POWs that are humiliating to those prisoners," Rumsfeld said...
The U.S. television networks also did not see fit to remind viewers how George W. Bush had drawn widespread international condemnation a year ago for his decision to strip prisoners of war captured in Afghanistan of their rights under the Geneva Conventions.
Bush ordered hundreds of captives from Afghanistan to be put in tiny outdoor cages at Camp X-Ray in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Those prisoners were shaved bald and forced to kneel down with their eyes, ears and mouths covered to deprive them of their senses. The shackled prisoners were filmed being carried on stretchers to interrogation sessions. Their humiliation was broadcast widely for all the world to see.
In early 2002, U.S. allies objected to the humiliation of the prisoners and to Bush's assertion that the prisoners were "unlawful combatants" outside the protection of international law. One of the chief arguments from European and other nations was that by flouting the Geneva Conventions, Bush was weakening respect for international law, a development that could prove dangerous to U.S. and other soldiers in the future.
Some of the loudest criticism of Camp X-Ray came from the staunchest U.S. ally, the United Kingdom, where three cabinet ministers – Robin Cook, Patricia Hewitt and Jack Straw – expressed concern that the prisoners were not being treated well and that international agreements about the treatment of prisoners of war were being breached.
Legal experts pointed out that "unlawful combatant" is not a category recognized by international law. They also noted that detainees whose status is in any doubt must be accorded all rights enumerated in the Geneva Convention until a "competent tribunal" is established to determine each individual prisoner's legal status.
The Bush administration never established that "competent tribunal." Bush instead unilaterally declared which prisoners were POWs (with protections under the Geneva Convention) and which ones were to be considered "unlawful combatants" (with zero protections under the Geneva Convention). Even those detainees that Bush deemed POWs were only granted some rights under the Convention, as determined by Bush. They were denied other rights, again as determined by Bush..."

Gary Jones (The Mirror):
"...THE Red Cross yesterday accused Tony Blair and George Bush of breaching the Geneva Convention over the shabby treatment of Iraqi prisoners of war.
The humanitarian organisation said the true number of PoWs and their whereabouts was unknown, family visits have been denied and there was no system in place to monitor arrests or pass on details to the Red Cross.
A high-ranking official of the International Committee of the Red Cross said: "It is an obligation of the occupying power to notify us of any arrests but that's not happening. We are not receiving anything like full information on prisoners of war.
"There is no proper notification. No organisation. There is not the will to resolve this issue..."

Billmon/Whiskey Bar:
"...
U.S. Arrests Wife of Saddam Deputy
American troops hunting for a top Saddam Hussein deputy suspected of masterminding anti-U.S. attacks arrested his wife and daughter in an apparent attempt to pressure his surrender...
Troops of the U.S. 4th Infantry Division in Samarra, 70 miles north of Baghdad, arrested the wife and daughter of Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, a top Saddam associate, division spokesman Lt. Col. William MacDonald said Wednesday...
MacDonald gave no details on why the wife and daughter were seized. American forces have frequently arrested relatives of fugitives to interrogate them on their family member's whereabouts and as a way of putting pressure on the wanted men to surrender.


Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de combat by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely, without any adverse distinction founded on race, colour, religion or faith, sex, birth or wealth, or any other similar criteria. 
To this end, the following acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any place whatsoever with respect to the above-mentioned persons...
Taking of hostages
Fourth Geneva Convention Article 3
Adopted August 12,1949..."

Also see Sam Gardiner on the misleading statements made by Bush, Rumsfeld and others on Iraqis executing POWs

3
AF4-01 Flight over Iraq Bush WH spokesman

"...President Bush's journey home to Washington took a surprise twist Thursday as he flew over Iraq. Passing over Baghdad at 31,000 feet, Air Force One's pilot tipped the plane sideways for a better view...Asked what the president intended by the maneuver, White House press officer Sean McCormack said: ``To demonstrate that Iraq is now free.''..."

Diego Ibarguen (San Jose Mercury News):
"...Later, however, White House press secretary Ari Fleischer said the Air Force advised Chief of Staff Andrew Card that flying over Iraq could get Bush home faster, so Card OK'd the flight shift.
The president ``was very happy to, one, get home quicker . . . and two, of course, he was very interested in Iraq,'' Fleischer said aboard Air Force One as it neared Washington..."

 

1
AF5-01 Syria smuggling weapons Rumsfeld for Bush

"...suggested that Syria was responsible for the shipment to Iraq of defense-related goods, including the goggles, and warned that the United States considered "such trafficking as hostile acts and would hold the Syrian government accountable."..."

Knut Royce (Newsday):
"...The CIA has no credible evidence that the government of Syria has had a role in the shipment of night-vision goggles and other military equipment to Iraq, according to an administration official familiar with U.S. intelligence in the region...And the administration official yesterday said that while military goods, including goggles, have been smuggled through Syria into Iraq for many years, "It's not necessarily with the knowledge, consent or approval of the Syrian government."
"It's not a new phenomenon," he said, "and it's not clear it has the Syrian government's imprimatur." At the same time, he said, military goods also have been shipped into Iraq, in violation of UN sanctions, from border countries much more aligned with the U.S. government, including Turkey and Jordan..."
1
AF5-02 France's role with respect to Iraq/Saddam Bush administration

"...news stories, with anonymous administration officials as sources, that appeared in the U.S. media over the past nine months. A two-page list attached to the letter includes reports of alleged French weapons sales to Iraq and culminates in a report last week that French officials in Syria issued French passports to escaping Iraqis being sought by the U.S. military..."

Karen DeYoung (Washington Post):
"...The French government believes it is the victim of an "organized campaign of disinformation" from within the Bush administration, designed to discredit it with allegations of complicity with the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein.
 
In a letter prepared for delivery today to administration officials and members of Congress, France details what it says are false news stories, with anonymous administration officials as sources, that appeared in the U.S. media over the past nine months. A two-page list attached to the letter includes reports of alleged French weapons sales to Iraq and culminates in a report last week that French officials in Syria issued French passports to escaping Iraqis being sought by the U.S. military.
The stories, all of which Paris has heatedly denied, are part of an "ugly campaign to destroy the image of France," a French official said. Officials said they have no doubt that the stories were spread by factions in the administration itself -- hard-line civilians within and close to the Pentagon are their primary suspects -- and that there was no visible effort by the White House or other departments to discipline those involved or even find out who they are.
The unprecedented letter, signed by French Ambassador Jean-David Levitte, is an indication of the depth and bitterness of the breach between the two historic allies and NATO partners over the issue of Iraq. Although French officials maintain they have tried to overcome the differences and renew the partnership, they say the administration has expressed little interest in rapprochement..."

Also see: Sam Gardiner for a more detailed analysis of the media war against the French - here and here.

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1. Now some of you might wonder where this University is located - so, it is appropriate to make it clear right here that this is not a real University - it is only a hypothetical institute of lower higher learning.

2. I sometimes prefer to truncate the words Compassionate Conservative to Compassion Con. There is no intent here to imply anything significant by this (at least anything more than is commonly understood). I reserve all moral clarity rights to the use of this term. One Compassion Con credit is assigned to every instance of compassion (i.e., misleading, deceptive or inaccurate statement or outright lie/mendacity).

3. Note that Compassionate statements made by Mr. Bush's spokespersons, advisers or appointees - speaking clearly on behalf of Mr. Bush - are considered as being supported by Mr. Bush, absent a public statement to the contrary.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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