|
UNIVERSITY OF COMPASSIONATE
CONSERVATISM (what
is this?)
You have selected
COMPASSIONATE
CONSERVATISM
215*
*Bush administration's lies
and deception moral clarity,
honesty and integrity
in response to Richard Clarke's statements
In this course you will learn about the
abundant lies, deception or
intent to deceive or smear or slime moral clarity, honesty and integrity displayed by President George W. Bush
(and his administration/campaign) - in response
to Richard Clarke. [To see their abject
dishonesty, fakery and fraud compassionate conservatism
on other topics, click on one of the following: Election
2000, the Economy,
Iraq.] Please
note that the statements made by Bush or his
spokespersons/administration3 - as
cited in column 3 of the tables below - are by default extracted from
one or more of the links shown in column 4. If the source of the
statements is different from the link(s) in column 4, then a URL is
explicitly provided in column 3. For feedback and corrections, please go
here. I would like to acknowledge the
following sites where I get the vast majority of my links from: Atrios/Eschaton,
Buzzflash, Daily
Howler, Center
for American Progress.
A special thanks to Buzzflash
for disseminating the information on this page!
Also, a special thanks to Tim
Dunlop of the Road to Surfdom for his link to this page.
(Visit Tim's website to enjoy passages from Richard
Clarke's book "Against All Enemies"!)
Total Compassion Con credits 2
available from this course to date = 43
Last
Update: April 13, 2004
Once you are done with this course, you may choose another course by picking one of the options
below
| PREFACE
(bold text is my emphasis)
New
York Times review of Clarke's book: "...Given the howling
political firestorm over Richard A. Clarke’s new book,
“Against All Enemies,” it is surprising how familiar many of
his assertions sound, his recitation of pre-9/11 antiterrorism
missteps by the Bush and Clinton administrations echoing earlier
books and old newspaper and magazine articles…Many of its
most debated charges about the Bush administration’s handling of
the war on terrorism have been leveled before. Some have been
corroborated or openly acknowledged by other members of the
administration..." Washington
Post: "...the broad outline of
Clarke's criticism has been corroborated by a number of other
former officials, congressional and commission investigators, and
by Bush's admission in the 2003 Bob Woodward book "Bush at
War" that he "didn't feel that sense of urgency"
about Osama bin Laden before the attacks occurred.
In addition, a review of dozens of declassified citations from
Clarke's 2002 testimony provides no evidence of contradiction, and
White House officials familiar with the testimony agree that any
differences are matters of emphasis, not fact. Indeed, the
declassified 838-page report of the 2002 congressional inquiry
includes many passages that appear to bolster the arguments Clarke
has made..." |
Compassion Con
credits total = 43
| # |
Pres.
Bush or his representative's Compassionate statement
|
Some
Uncompassionate Facts |
Compassion
Con Credits |
| 1 |
Rice
for Bush
"...Despite what some have suggested, we
received no intelligence that terrorists were preparing to
attack the homeland using airplanes as missiles, though some
analysts speculated that terrorists might hijack airplanes to
try to free U.S.-held terrorists...."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...Democratic commission member Richard Ben-Veniste
disclosed this week that Rice had asked, in her private meetings
with the commission, to revise a statement she made publicly
that "I don't think anybody could have predicted that those
people could have taken an airplane and slam it into the World
Trade Center . . . that they would try to use an airplane as a
missile." Rice told the commission that she misspoke; the
commission has received information that prior to Sept. 11, U.S.
intelligence agencies and Clarke had talked about terrorists
using airplanes as missiles.
.."
David
Johnston and Eric Schmitt (New York Times):
"...A Congressional inquiry into intelligence activities
before Sept. 11 found 12 reports over a seven-year period
suggesting that terrorists might use airplanes as weapons..."
Scott
Paltrow (Wall Street Journal) via Cooperative Research:
"...Despite official assertions that
the U.S. had little reason to suspect before Sept. 11 that
airliners would be used as weapons, there is new evidence that
the federal government had on several earlier occasions taken
elaborate, secret measures to protect special events from just
such an attack.
The events that were protected included the 1996 Olympics and
President Bush's inauguration in 2001. Planning for similar
special protection for the 2002 Winter Olympics in Utah was
under way at the time of the Sept. 11 attacks, officials say...
In the aftermath of those attacks, Bush
administration officials have said they received no intelligence
warning of such a tactic. "I don't think anybody could have
predicted that these people would take an airplane and slam it
into the World Trade Center, take another one and slam it into
the Pentagon, that they would try to use an airplane as a
missile," National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice said
in a May 2002 news briefing.
Yet on several occasions starting in the mid-1990s, U.S.
intelligence agencies had passed on information concerning such
a possibility, including early plans by al Qaeda officials to
use passenger jets as kamikaze weapons, according to records and
current and former government officials...
In addition, the plan was used for Mr. Clinton's second
inauguration in 1997, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's
50th anniversary celebration in Washington in 1999, the
Republican and Democratic conventions in 2000 and the Bush
inauguration in 2001...
...a stream of intelligence beginning in 1995, which reached the
White House, did indicate that terrorists were plotting attacks
using hijacked jets...
John F. Lehman, a Republican on the 9/11 Commission and a former
secretary of the Navy, agreed that the idea of using aircraft as
weapons by crashing them into something wasn't new on Sept. 11.
"You can't say that the idea of using them as kamikazes is
not something people should have been worried about," Mr.
Lehman says in an interview. "The fact is that kamikazes
were first used in 1944, so it's not exactly a new
concept."
Warning Signs
A look at some intelligence reports in the 1990s that warned of
terrorist attacks with airliners: 1994 Eiffel Tower threat:
"Algerian Armed Islamic Group terrorists hijacked an Air
France flight.and threatened to crash it into the Eiffel
Tower." 1995 Bojinka Plot to blow up American jets over the
Pacific: "An accomplice of Ramzi Yousef told police in the
Philippines [and the FBI] that a variant of the plot involved
flying a plane on a suicide mission into CIA headquarters."
1996 Iranian plot to crash Japanese jet in Israel: "A
passenger would board the plane in the Far East, commandeer the
aircraft, order it to fly over Tel Aviv, and crash the plane
into the city." 1998 Alleged plan by al Qaeda-linked
terrorists to crash plane into World Trade Center: ".A
group, since linked to al-Qa'ida, planned to fly an
explosives-laden plane from a foreign country into the World
Trade Center." Alleged Osama bin Laden plot to crash plane
into a U.S. airport: ".Bin Ladin's next operation might
involve flying an explosives-laden aircraft into a U.S.
airport." 1999 Federal Research Division Report on
terrorism: "Suicide bomber(s). could crash-land an
aircraft.into the Pentagon.or the White House."..."
Atrios:
"...This echoes her previous
statement about this:
I don’t think anybody could have
predicted that these people…would try to use an airplane as a
missile, a hijacked airplane as a missile.
They may not have had specific intelligence that
terrorists were preparing to attack using airplanes as missiles.
But, she switches mid-sentence between "evidence" and
"speculation," implying that no analysts had even
"speculated" that hijacked planes could be used as
weapons, which is of course completely false. Bob
Somerby reminds us:
WOODWARD AND EGGEN: But a 1999 report
prepared for the National Intelligence Council, an affiliate of
the CIA, warned that terrorists associated with bin Laden might
hijack an airplane and crash it into the Pentagon, White House
or CIA headquarters.
The report recounts well-known case studies of similar plots,
including a 1995 plan by al Qaeda operatives to hijack and crash
a dozen U.S. airliners in the South Pacific and pilot a light
aircraft into Langley.
“Suicide bomber(s) belonging to al-Qaida’s Martyrdom
Battalion could crash-land an aircraft packed with high
explosives (C-4 and semtex) into the Pentagon, the headquarters
of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or the White House,”
the September 1999 report said..."
Eric
Boehlert (Salon.com):
"...A former FBI
wiretap translator with top-secret security clearance, who has
been called "very credible" by Sen. Charles Grassley,
R-Iowa, has told Salon she recently testified to the National
Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States that the
FBI had detailed information prior to Sept. 11, 2001, that a
terrorist attack involving airplanes was being plotted.
Referring to the Homeland Security Department's color-coded
warnings instituted in the wake of 9/11, the former translator,
Sibel Edmonds, told Salon, "We should have had orange or
red-type of alert in June or July of 2001. There was that much
information available." Edmonds is offended by the Bush
White House claim that it lacked foreknowledge of the kind of
attacks made by al-Qaida on 9/11. "Especially after reading
National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice [Washington Post
Op-Ed on March 22] where she said, we had no specific
information whatsoever of domestic threat or that they might use
airplanes. That's an outrageous lie. And documents can prove
it's a lie."...
Edmonds, who is Turkish-American, is a 10-year U.S. citizen who
has passed a polygraph examination conducted by FBI
investigators. She speaks fluent Farsi, Arabic and Turkish and
worked part-time for the FBI...
"President Bush said they had no
specific information about Sept. 11, and that's accurate,"
says Edmonds. "But there was specific information about use
of airplanes, that an attack was on the way two or three months
beforehand and that several people were already in the country
by May of 2001. They should've alerted the people to the threat
we're facing."
Edmonds testified before 9/11 commission staffers in February
for more than three hours, providing detailed information about
FBI investigations, documents and dates..."
Also see: Barry
Ritholtz (The Big Picture) commenting on Altercation; Scott
Paltrow (Wall Street Journal) via Big Picture
|
1
(being very very very very compassionate here)
|
| 2 |
Bush
"...Had I known that the enemy was going
to use airplanes to strike America, to attack us, I would have
used every resource, every asset, every power of this government
to protect the American people..."
|
Geraldine
Sealey (Salon.com):
"...CAP quickly found previous
reports that the president was told of the possibility that al-Qaida
was exploring the use of airliners as terror weapons, including
against U.S. targets:
FACT: On August 6, 2001, President Bush personally
"received a one-and-a-half page briefing advising him that
Osama bin Laden was capable of a major strike against the US,
and that the plot could include the hijacking of an American
airplane."
-- Dateline NBC, 9/10/02 (Transcript in Nexis)
FACT: U.S. and Italian officials were warned in July 2001 that
Islamic terrorists had considered "crashing an airliner
into the Genoa summit of industrialized nations."
-- LA Times, 9/27/01.
FACT: A 1999 report prepared by the Library of Congress for the
National Intelligence Council "warned that Osama bin
Laden's terrorists could hijack an airliner and fly it into
government buildings like the Pentagon." The report
specifically said, "Suicide bomber(s) belonging to al-Qaida's
Martyrdom Battalion could crash-land an aircraft packed with
high explosives … into the Pentagon, the headquarters of the
CIA, or the White House."
-- CBS News, 5/17/02.
CAP also found this nugget, showing that the State Department
under Bush downplayed the importance of the threat of Osama bin
Laden in its annual terrorism report in early 2001.
"The State Department officially released its annual
terrorism report just a little more than an hour ago, but unlike
last year, there's no extensive mention of alleged terrorist
mastermind Osama bin Laden. A senior State Department official
tells CNN the U.S. government made a mistake in focusing so much
energy on bin Laden and 'personalizing terrorism.'"
-- CNN, 4/30/2001..."
Sen.
Gary Hart interviewed on Salon.com:
"...Hart was co-chair (with former Sen. Warren Rudman, R-N.H.)
of the U.S. Commission on National Security, a bipartisan panel
that conducted the most thorough investigation of U.S. security
challenges since World War II. After completing the report,
which warned that a devastating terrorist attack on America was
imminent and called for the immediate creation of a
Cabinet-level national security agency, and delivering it to
President Bush on January 31, 2001, Hart and Rudman personally
briefed Rice, Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell. But,
according to Hart, the Bush administration never followed up on
the commission's urgent recommendations, even after he repeated
them in a private White House meeting with Rice just days before
9/11...
[Sen. Hart:]...I met with Rice not long
after the president was in Crawford and being briefed by CIA
officials on the possible use of aircraft against American
targets. This was all happening in the weeks before 9/11. So I
think it's terribly disingenuous for the president of the United
States to say, "If somebody had told us they were going to
use aircraft against the World Trade Center, we would of course
have taken action." I think it's just ridiculous to say,
"We're not going to do anything until someone tells us
where, when and how."..."
Also see item ABOVE this one.
|
1 |
| 3 |
Rice
for Bush
"...[Rice] said administration officials
felt, as a precaution, they could not rule out an attack in the
United States, but that if Clarke had any specific information
suggesting attacks in the United States, "he never
communicated that to anyone."..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...For instance, the President received a CIA warning on
August 6th, 2001, headlined, "Bin
Laden Determined to Strike in U.S." noting the "plot
could include the hijacking of an American airplane."..."
|
See above |
| 4 |
Hadley for Bush
"...All the chatter [before 9/11] was of
an attack, a potential al Qaeda attack overseas..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...Page 204 of the Joint Congressional Inquiry into 9/11
noted that "In May 2001, the intelligence community
obtained a report that Bin Laden supporters were planning to
infiltrate the United States" to "carry out a
terrorist operation using high explosives." The report
"was included in an intelligence report for senior
government officials in August [2001]." In the same month,
the Pentagon "acquired and shared with other elements of
the Intelligence Community information suggesting that seven
persons associated with Bin Laden had departed various locations
for Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States."
[Joint Congressional Report, 12/02]..."
|
1 |
| 5 |
Rice
for Bush
"...In response to my request for a
presidential initiative, the counterterrorism team, which we had
held over from the Clinton administration, suggested several
ideas...We adopted several of these ideas. We committed more
funding to counterterrorism and intelligence efforts..."
Rice for Bush
"...on
NBC Nightly News, [claimed] that the "the president
increased counterterrorism funding several-fold" before
9/11..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...But the real story is far different, as the following
internal Department of Justice (DoJ) documents obtained by the
Center for American Progress demonstrate. The Bush
Administration actually reversed the Clinton Administration's
strong emphasis on counterterrorism and counterintelligence.
Attorney General John Ashcroft not only moved aggressively to
reduce DoJ's anti-terrorist budget but also shift DoJ's mission
in spirit to emphasize its role as a domestic police force and
anti-drug force. These changes in mission were just as critical
as the budget changes, with Ashcroft, in effect, guiding the day
to day decisions made by field officers and agents. And all of
this while the Administration was receiving repeated warnings
about potential terrorist attacks..."
[Read the
entire post to see how anti-terrorism budgets were proposed
to be cut before and after 9/11, among other things.]
Rice
for Bush on NBC:
"...the problem was that we were, as a country, somewhat
blind to what was happening inside the country. Because
we had had a very big wall between domestic intelligence,
domestic collection and — information and what the CIA did.
It was only after September 11th that the country came to terms
with the fact that the FBI and the CIA needed to be able to
coordinate on collection and on sharing of intelligence in a way
that would let us know what was going on in the country..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Meanwhile, the
Administration "downgraded
terrorism as a priority" and ended such key
counterterrorism efforts as the "highly classified program
to monitor Al Qaeda suspects in the United States." Among
the victims of the Administration's "downgrading
of terrorism as a priority" was "a highly
classified program to monitor Al Qaeda suspects in the United
States," which the White House suspended in the months
leading up to 9/11...
As
the WP reports on the new documents released by American
Progress, "in the early days after the Sept. 11 attacks,
the Bush White House cut
by nearly two-thirds an emergency request for counterterrorism
funds by the FBI." When congressional Democrats
sponsored amendments to substantially increase this funding, the
President
threatened to veto them, and they were voted down."
Center
for American Progress:
"...In reality, the
Bush Administration was preparing a FY2003 budget (the first
budget fully authored by the new Administration) that proposed
serious cuts to key counterterrorism programs. As the 2/28/02
NYT reported, the Bush White House "did
not endorse F.B.I. requests for $58 million for 149 new
counterterrorism field agents, 200 intelligence analysts and 54
additional translators" and "proposed a $65 million
cut for the program that gives state and local counterterrorism
grants." Newsweek noted the Administration "vetoed
a request to divert $800 million from missile defense into
counterterrorism." See a display of Rice's dishonesty in
this American
Progress video clip...."
Also see Uggabugga
and Atrios
|
1 |
| 6 |
Rice for Bush
"...In the same article, Rice belittled
Clarke's proposals by writing: "The president wanted more
than a laundry list of ideas simply to contain al Qaeda or 'roll
back' the threat. Once in office, we quickly began crafting a
comprehensive new strategy to 'eliminate' the al Qaeda
network." Rice asserted that while Clarke and others
provided ideas, "No al Qaeda plan was turned over to the
new administration." That same day, she said most of
Clarke's ideas "had been already tried or rejected in the
Clinton administration."..."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...But in her interview with NBC two days later, Rice
appeared to take a different view of Clarke's proposals.
"He sent us a set of ideas that would perhaps help to roll
back al Qaeda over a three- to five-year period; we acted on
those ideas very quickly. And what's very interesting is that .
. . Dick Clarke now says that we ignored his ideas or we didn't
follow them up."
..."
Condi
Rice to 9/11 Commission:
"...Dick Clarke is a very, very fine counterterrorism
expert -- and that's why I kept him on...He had some very good
ideas. We acted on them...Dick Clarke -- let me just step back
for a second and say we had a very -- we had a very good
relationship...
He also had attached the Delenda plan, which is
my understanding was developed in 1998, never adopted and, in
fact, had some ideas. I said, "Dick, take the ideas that
you've put in this think piece, take the ideas that were there
in the Delenda plan, put it together into a strategy, not to
roll back al Qaeda" -- which had been the goal of the
Clinton -- of what Dick Clarke wrote to us -- "but rather
to eliminate this threat." And he was to put that strategy
together.
But by no means did he ask me to act on a plan. He gave us a
series of ideas. We acted on those..."
Compassiongate note: See how Condi phrases it - he did
not ask me to "act on a plan"! In other words,
he did give her a [Delenda] plan by her own statement.
Center
for American Progress:
"...Rice claimed this
week that "No
al Qaeda plan was turned over to the new
administration." But the 9/11 Commission reported, "On
January 25th, 2001, Richard
Clarke forwarded his December 2000 strategy paper and a copy
of his 1998 Delenda plan to the new national security adviser,
Condoleezza Rice."..."
Frank
Rich (New York Times):
"...Last Sunday on "60 Minutes" Ed Bradley dipped
a toe into it by noting that there were fewer attacks in the
30-month period leading up to 9/11 than there have been in
"the 30 months afterward when you had this war against
it."..."
|
1 |
| 7 |
Rice for Bush
"...Dick Clarke was counterterrorism czar
for a long time with a lot of attacks on the United States. What
he was doing was--what they were doing apparently was not
working. We wanted to do something different..."
|
Condi
Rice to 9/11 Commission:
"...Dick Clarke is a very, very fine counterterrorism
expert -- and that's why I kept him on...He had some very good
ideas. We acted on them...Dick Clarke -- let me just step back
for a second and say we had a very -- we had a very good
relationship."
Ryan
Lizza (TNR):
"...She didn't get a chance to explain how this statement
comports with Hadley's insistence that "one of the
decisions we made was to keep Mr. Clarke and his
counter-terrorism group intact" because "we wanted an
experienced team to try and identify the risk, take actions to
disrupt the terrorists."..."
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...She criticized Clarke for being the architect of failed
Clinton administration policies, but also said she retained
Clarke so the Bush administration could continue to pursue
Clinton's terrorism policies...
Rice implicitly criticized Clarke on CNN on Monday, saying that
"he was the counterterrorism czar for a period of the '90s
when al Qaeda was strengthening and when the plots that ended up
September 11 were being hatched." But in a White House
briefing two days later, she said she kept Clarke on the job
because "I wanted somebody experienced in that area
precisely to carry on the Clinton administration policy."
...
"
David
Johnston and Eric Schmitt (New York Times):
"...Mr. Clarke was in charge of responding to immediate
threats, one senior official said. He had been counterterrorism
chief in the Clinton administration, and Ms. Rice had decided to
keep him in the job because she wanted continuity. "It was
because everyone respected Dick Clarke and knew he was a pile
driver," the official said..."
Rice
for Bush:
"...In response to my request for a
presidential initiative, the counterterrorism team, which we had
held over from the Clinton administration, suggested several
ideas...We adopted several of these ideas. We committed more
funding to counterterrorism and intelligence efforts..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...On a more substantive note
compare Wilkinson's description of Clarke's pitiful proposal to
this one from an August 4th, 2002 article
in Time. Note particularly the comment from the
"senior Bush administration official" at the end ...
Berger had left the room by the time Clarke, using a Powerpoint
presentation, outlined his thinking to Rice. A senior Bush
Administration official denies being handed a formal plan to
take the offensive against al-Qaeda, and says Clarke's materials
merely dealt with whether the new Administration should take
"a more active approach" to the terrorist group. (Rice
declined to comment, but through a spokeswoman said she recalled
no briefing at which Berger was present.) Other senior officials
from both the Clinton and Bush administrations, however, say
that Clarke had a set of proposals to "roll back" al-Qaeda.
In fact, the heading on Slide 14 of the Powerpoint presentation
reads, "Response to al Qaeda: Roll back." Clarke's
proposals called for the "breakup" of al-Qaeda cells
and the arrest of their personnel. The financial support for its
terrorist activities would be systematically attacked, its
assets frozen, its funding from fake charities stopped. Nations
where al-Qaeda was causing trouble-Uzbekistan, the Philippines,
Yemen-would be given aid to fight the terrorists. Most
important, Clarke wanted to see a dramatic increase in covert
action in Afghanistan to "eliminate the sanctuary"
where al-Qaeda had its terrorist training camps and bin Laden
was being protected by the radical Islamic Taliban regime. The
Taliban had come to power in 1996, bringing a sort of order to a
nation that had been driven by bloody feuds between ethnic
warlords since the Soviets had pulled out. Clarke supported a
substantial increase in American support for the Northern
Alliance, the last remaining resistance to the Taliban. That
way, terrorists graduating from the training camps would have
been forced to stay in Afghanistan, fighting (and dying) for the
Taliban on the front lines. At the same time, the U.S. military
would start planning for air strikes on the camps and for the
introduction of special-operations forces into Afghanistan. The
plan was estimated to cost "several hundreds of millions of
dollars." In the words of a senior Bush Administration
official, the proposals amounted to "everything we've done
since 9/11."..."
|
1 |
| 8 |
Wilkinson for
Bush
"...I want to make a very point here,
that all of his ideas he presented were not a strategy.
This is a president who wanted a comprehensive strategy to go
after al Qaeda where it lives, where it hides, where it plots,
where it raises money. All the ideas that -- except for one --
that Dick Clarke submitted, this administration did..."
|
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...On a more substantive note
compare Wilkinson's description of Clarke's pitiful proposal to
this one from an August 4th, 2002 article
in Time. Note particularly the comment from the
"senior Bush administration official" at the end ...
Berger had left the room by the time Clarke, using a Powerpoint
presentation, outlined his thinking to Rice. A senior Bush
Administration official denies being handed a formal plan to
take the offensive against al-Qaeda, and says Clarke's materials
merely dealt with whether the new Administration should take
"a more active approach" to the terrorist group. (Rice
declined to comment, but through a spokeswoman said she recalled
no briefing at which Berger was present.) Other senior officials
from both the Clinton and Bush administrations, however, say
that Clarke had a set of proposals to "roll back" al-Qaeda.
In fact, the heading on Slide 14 of the Powerpoint presentation
reads, "Response to al Qaeda: Roll back." Clarke's
proposals called for the "breakup" of al-Qaeda cells
and the arrest of their personnel. The financial support for its
terrorist activities would be systematically attacked, its
assets frozen, its funding from fake charities stopped. Nations
where al-Qaeda was causing trouble-Uzbekistan, the Philippines,
Yemen-would be given aid to fight the terrorists. Most
important, Clarke wanted to see a dramatic increase in covert
action in Afghanistan to "eliminate the sanctuary"
where al-Qaeda had its terrorist training camps and bin Laden
was being protected by the radical Islamic Taliban regime. The
Taliban had come to power in 1996, bringing a sort of order to a
nation that had been driven by bloody feuds between ethnic
warlords since the Soviets had pulled out. Clarke supported a
substantial increase in American support for the Northern
Alliance, the last remaining resistance to the Taliban. That
way, terrorists graduating from the training camps would have
been forced to stay in Afghanistan, fighting (and dying) for the
Taliban on the front lines. At the same time, the U.S. military
would start planning for air strikes on the camps and for the
introduction of special-operations forces into Afghanistan. The
plan was estimated to cost "several hundreds of millions of
dollars." In the words of a senior Bush Administration
official, the proposals amounted to "everything we've done
since 9/11."..."
|
None assigned for
compassionate reasons |
| 9 |
Rice for Bush
"...what's very interesting is that, of
course, Dick Clarke was the counterterrorism czar in 1998 when
the embassies were bombed. He was the counterterrorism czar in
2000 when the Cole was bombed. He was the counterterrorism czar
for a period of the '90s when al Qaeda was strengthening and
when the plots that ended up in September 11 were being hatched..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...Vice
President Cheney echoed the very same criticism
on Rush Limbaugh's radio show. Rice and Cheney conveniently ignored
the President's own "buck stops here" declaration
and desire for a "culture
of personal responsibility": Both refused to mention
that they were Clarke's bosses in the lead up to 9/11, and that
they ignored Clarke's repeated efforts to get the Administration
to take terrorism more seriously. They also failed to elucidate
why, if Clarke's record was so terrible, they called him an
"outstanding
public servant" and decided to keep him on board at the
White House...."
Condi
Rice to 9/11 Commission:
"...Dick Clarke is a very, very fine counterterrorism
expert -- and that's why I kept him on...He had some very good
ideas. We acted on them...Dick Clarke -- let me just step back
for a second and say we had a very -- we had a very good
relationship."
|
None assigned --- for
compassionate reasons |
| 10 |
Cheney
for Bush
"...As I say, he was the head of
counterterrorism for several years there in the '90s, and I
didn't notice that they had any great success dealing with the
terrorist threat..."
|
Clarke
on Salon.com:
"...It's possible that the vice president has spent so
little time studying the terrorist phenomenon that he doesn't
know about the successes in the 1990s. There were many. The
Clinton administration stopped Iraqi terrorism against the
United States, through military intervention. It stopped Iranian
terrorism against the United States, through covert action. It
stopped the al-Qaida attempt to have a dominant influence in
Bosnia. It stopped the terrorist attacks at the millennium. It
stopped many other terrorist attacks, including on the U.S.
embassy in Albania. And it began a lethal covert action program
against al-Qaida; it also launched military strikes against al-Qaida.
Maybe the vice president was so busy running Halliburton at the
time that he didn't notice..."
Clarke
on CNN:
"...Well, a great deal was done. The administration stopped
the al Qaeda attacks in the United States and around the world
at the millennium period, they stopped al Qaeda in Bosnia, they
stopped al Qaeda from blowing up embassies around the world,
they authorized covert lethal action by the CIA against al Qaeda,
they retaliated with cruise missile strikes into Afghanistan,
they got sanctions against Afghanistan from the United Nations.
There was a great deal the administration did, even though at
the time, prior to 9/11, al Qaeda had arguably not done a great
deal to the United States.
If you look at the eight years of the Clinton administration, al
Qaeda was responsible for the deaths of fewer than 50 Americans
over those eight years. Contrast that with Ronald Reagan, where
300 Americans were killed in Lebanon and there was no
retaliation. Contrast that with the first Bush administration
where 260 Americans were killed on Pan-Am 103 and there was no
retaliation.
I would argue that for what had actually happened prior to 9/11,
the Clinton administration was doing a great deal. In fact, so
much that when the Bush people came into office they thought I
was a little crazy, a little obsessed with this "little
terrorist" [Osama] bin Laden. Why wasn't I focused on
Iraqi-sponsored terrorism..."
|
None assigned --- for
compassionate reasons |
| 11 |
Cheney for Bush
"...[Bush] wanted a far more effective
policy for trying to deal with [terrorism], and that process was
in motion throughout the spring..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...Over the weekend, the Bush-Cheney campaign issued a
statement saying the Administration "changed its policies
to address the terrorism problem, even before 9/11"
claiming that the Bush team "went from a policy of swatting
flies to putting
al Qaeda at the top of the list." But a look at the
record shows just how dishonest this statement is: In the face
of warnings before 9/11, the Administration deemphasized
counterterrorism; never
once convened its own counterterrorism task force; threatened
to veto efforts to divert national missile defense funds
into counterterrorism; delayed
arming the unmanned Predator drone flying over
Afghanistan; terminated
"a highly classified program to monitor al Qaeda suspects
in the United States"; attacked
previous Administrations for focusing too much on Osama bin
Laden; rejected
security recommendations from the government's bipartisan
national security commission; and downgraded the
counterterrorism office within the White House. In fact, al
Qaeda was so
low on this list of priorities, that neither Bush, Vice
President Cheney or Rice ever once uttered the terms "al
Qaeda" or "Osama bin Laden" between the time the
Bush team took office and 9/11. Want to know more? American
Progress has compiled an exhaustive,
day-by-day overview of the Bush administration's public
statements on national security, defense and international
issues from January 20, 2001 to September 10, 2001..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...The Center for American Progress has compiled an
exhaustive, day-by-day overview of the Bush administration's
public statements on national security, defense and
international issues from Jan. 20 to Sept. 10, 2001...While the
Bush administration maintains it was focused extensively on
terrorism, our analysis of 557 public statements reveals only
one mention of al Qaeda by the administration over the 8-month
period. Notably, this single mention of al Qaeda was found in a
signed notice from President Bush continuing an executive order
– issued by President Clinton – prohibiting transactions
with the Taliban. Osama bin Laden was mentioned only 19 times
during the same period, 17 of which occurred in the context of
press briefings or questions from journalists..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Bush said [in May of 2001] that Cheney would direct a
government-wide review on managing the consequences of a
domestic attack, and 'I will periodically chair a meeting of the
National Security Council to review these efforts.' Neither
Cheney's review nor Bush's took place." By comparison,
Cheney in 2001 formally convened his Energy Task Force at least
10 separate times, meeting at least 6 times with Enron energy
executives.
– Washington Post, 1/20/02
, GAO Report, 8/22/03,
AP, 1/8/02..."
Daily
Howler:
"...According to Clarke, the threat
of terror wasn’t “urgent” for the Bush Admin before 9/11.
In this case, Clarke himself told scribes where to go. Yep! He
sent them straight to this passage in Woodward:
WOODWARD (page 39):
[Bush] acknowledged that bin Laden was not his focus or that of
his national security team. “There was a significant
difference in my attitude after September 11. I was not on
point…I didn’t have that sense of urgency, and my blood was
not nearly as boiling.”
Oof! The White House would love to get
that one back! Of course, the pundits would have missed it too.
But Clarke just keeps bringing it up..."
David
Talbot (Salon.com):
"...Former Democratic Sen. Gary Hart
of Colorado also directly told senior Bush officials loudly and
clearly that, in his words, "The terrorists are coming, the
terrorists are coming."
Hart was co-chair (with former Sen. Warren Rudman, R-N.H.) of
the U.S. Commission on National Security, a bipartisan panel
that conducted the most thorough investigation of U.S. security
challenges since World War II. After completing the report,
which warned that a devastating terrorist attack on America was
imminent and called for the immediate creation of a
Cabinet-level national security agency, and delivering it to
President Bush on January 31, 2001, Hart and Rudman personally
briefed Rice, Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell. But,
according to Hart, the Bush administration never followed up on
the commission's urgent recommendations, even after he repeated
them in a private White House meeting with Rice just days before
9/11...
[Sen. Hart:] ...George Bush -- and this is
often overlooked -- held a press conference or made a public
statement on May 5, 2001, calling on Congress not to act
and saying he was turning
over the whole matter to Dick Cheney.
So this wasn't just neglect, it was an active position by the
administration. He said, "I don't want Congress to do
anything until the vice president advises me." We now know
from Dick Clarke that Cheney never held a meeting on terrorism,
there was never any kind of discussion on the department of
homeland security that we had proposed. There was no vice
presidential action on this matter.
In other words, a bipartisan commission of seven Democrats and
seven Republicans who had spent two and a half years studying
the problem, a group of Americans with a cumulative 300 years in
national security affairs, recommended to the president of the
United States on a reasonably urgent basis the creation of a
Cabinet-level agency to protect our country -- and the president
did nothing!
By the way, when our final report came out in 2001, it did not
receive word one in the New York Times. Zero. The Washington
Post put it on Page 3 or 4, below the fold..."
Michael
Isikoff and Mark Hosenball (Newsweek):
"...In fact, the commission staff released a wealth of new
details over the past two days that tend to corroborate
Clarke’s basic story: that the Bush White House did not treat
Al Qaeda as an “urgent” priority in the months before
September 11. In one staff report, the commission stated that
deputy CIA director John McLaughlin had told the panel there was
“great tension” in the summer of 2001 between the Bush
administration policymakers and intelligence officials who
believed, like him, “that this was a matter of great
urgency.” The report added that two CIA analysts who
specialized in monitoring Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden
“were so worried about an impending disaster that one of them
told us that they considered resigning and going public with
their concerns.”
Yet the commission’s staff reports
suggest the new Bush administration was moving slowly on many
fronts: Clarke himself was upbraided in January 2001 when he
asked for an immediate “principals” meeting of cabinet
chiefs to develop an urgent new anti-Al Qaeda policy and was
told to instead work with a committee of “deputy” chiefs. By
the summer of 2001, when this committee had finally drawn up
recommendations, many of the "principals" had already
departed Washington for their annual vacations and the meeting
was not held until Sept. 4, a week before the attacks.
At the time, Clarke said, intelligence warnings of a
“spectacular” attack were pouring in at a level higher than
anything top intelligence officials had ever seen. Yet at the
Pentagon, according to another commission report, Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld had devoted little time to the issue and
some of his aides “told us that they thought the new team was
focused on other issues”—such as dissolving an
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty that was impeding the
administration’s plans to develop a new Star Wars antimissile
defense system. The commission noted that the Defense Department
post that traditionally deals most with counterterrorism, an
assistant secretary for special operations and low-intensity
conflict, hadn’t even been filled at the time that one of the
hijacked airlines slammed into the Pentagon.
Clarke himself was so deeply dismayed with the results of the
Bush White House policy review on Al Qaeda—and thought it was
so ineffective—that he fired off a memo to national-security
adviser Condoleezza Rice just before the Sept. 4 meeting of
cabinet chiefs. The memo, according to the commission staff,
laid out Clarke’s frustrations with the Pentagon and the CIA
for resisting his proposals for immediate, aggressive
actions against bin Laden. In the memo, the commission staff
stated, Clarke “urged policymakers to imagine a day after a
terrorist attack, with hundreds of American dead at home and
abroad, and ask themselves what they could have done.” ..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...On a more substantive note
compare Wilkinson's description of Clarke's pitiful proposal to
this one from an August 4th, 2002 article
in Time. Note particularly the comment from the
"senior Bush administration official" at the end ...
Berger had left the room by the time Clarke, using a Powerpoint
presentation, outlined his thinking to Rice. A senior Bush
Administration official denies being handed a formal plan to
take the offensive against al-Qaeda, and says Clarke's materials
merely dealt with whether the new Administration should take
"a more active approach" to the terrorist group. (Rice
declined to comment, but through a spokeswoman said she recalled
no briefing at which Berger was present.) Other senior officials
from both the Clinton and Bush administrations, however, say
that Clarke had a set of proposals to "roll back" al-Qaeda.
In fact, the heading on Slide 14 of the Powerpoint presentation
reads, "Response to al Qaeda: Roll back." Clarke's
proposals called for the "breakup" of al-Qaeda cells
and the arrest of their personnel. The financial support for its
terrorist activities would be systematically attacked, its
assets frozen, its funding from fake charities stopped. Nations
where al-Qaeda was causing trouble-Uzbekistan, the Philippines,
Yemen-would be given aid to fight the terrorists. Most
important, Clarke wanted to see a dramatic increase in covert
action in Afghanistan to "eliminate the sanctuary"
where al-Qaeda had its terrorist training camps and bin Laden
was being protected by the radical Islamic Taliban regime. The
Taliban had come to power in 1996, bringing a sort of order to a
nation that had been driven by bloody feuds between ethnic
warlords since the Soviets had pulled out. Clarke supported a
substantial increase in American support for the Northern
Alliance, the last remaining resistance to the Taliban. That
way, terrorists graduating from the training camps would have
been forced to stay in Afghanistan, fighting (and dying) for the
Taliban on the front lines. At the same time, the U.S. military
would start planning for air strikes on the camps and for the
introduction of special-operations forces into Afghanistan. The
plan was estimated to cost "several hundreds of millions of
dollars." In the words of a senior Bush Administration
official, the proposals amounted to "everything we've done
since 9/11."..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...[Outgoing Deputy National
Security Advisor Lieutenant General Donald L. Kerrick], who
stayed through the first four months of the Bush administration,
said, "candidly speaking, I didn't detect" a strong
focus on terrorism. "That's not being derogatory. It's just
a fact. I didn't detect any activity but what Dick Clarke and
the CSG [the Counterterrorism Strategy Group he chaired] were
doing." General Hugh Shelton, whose term as chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff began under Clinton and ended under Bush,
concurred. In his view, the Bush administration moved terrorism
"farther to the back burner."
America
Unbound, p. 76
Ivo Daalder & James Lindsay..."
|
1 |
| 12 |
Rice
for Bush
"...Through the spring and summer of
2001, the national security team developed a strategy to
eliminate al Qaeda -- which was expected to take years. Our
strategy marshaled all elements of national power to take down
the network, not just respond to individual attacks with law
enforcement measures. Our plan called for military options to
attack al Qaeda and Taliban leadership, ground forces and other
targets -- taking the fight to the enemy where he lived...."
|
Spencer
Ackerman (TNR):
"...Rice has refused to testify
publicly before the 9/11 Commission. In her stead yesterday, the
White House sent the gregarious Deputy Secretary of State,
Richard Armitage. Gorelick confronted him with the difference
between what Rice described in her op-ed and NSPD-9:
GORELICK: So I would ask
you whether it is true, as Dr. Rice said in The Washington
Post, "Our plan called for military options to attack
Al Qaeda and Taliban leadership, ground forces and other
targets, taking the fight to the enemy, where he lived" ?
Was that part of the plan as prior to 9/11?
ARMITAGE: No, I think that was amended after the horror of 9/11..."
David
Johnston and Eric Schmitt (New York Times):
"...There were also no specific new military plans for
attacking Qaeda forces or the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The
Pentagon's priorities that summer were developing a national
missile defense plan and conducting a broad strategy and budget
review. Military planners had previously offered a comprehensive
plan to incorporate military, economic, diplomatic and political
activities to pressure the Taliban to expel Al Qaeda's leader,
Osama bin Laden. But the plan was never acted on by either the
Clinton or Bush administrations..."
|
1 |
| 13 |
McClellan for
Bush
"..."Dr. Rice, early on in the
administration started holding daily briefings with the senior
directors of the National Security Council, of which he was one.
But he refused to attend those meetings, and he was later asked
to attend those meetings and he continued to refuse to attend
those meetings."...."
|
Brad
Delong:
"...Rice: "To somehow suggest that the attack on 9/11
could have been prevented by a series of meetings--I have to
tell you that during the period of time we were at battle
stations," Rice said yesterday. McClellan added, "He's
been out there talking about whether or not he was participating
in certain meetings. So it appears to be more about the process
than the actual actions we have taken."..."
Brad
Delong:
"...Ms. Rice said, Mr. Clarke was very much involved in the
administration's fight against terrorism. "I would not use
the word `out of the loop,'... He was in every meeting that was
held on terrorism," Ms. Rice said. "All the deputies'
meetings, the principals' meeting that was held and so forth,
the early meetings after Sept. 11."..."
Atrios:
"...I really just can't even follow
all of the Bush admin lies about this stuff. First we
have this:
Ms. Rice painted a distinctly
different picture of the involvement of Mr. Clarke, who has
prompted furious responses since he asserted in a new book and
in testimony on Capitol Hill that President Bush did not heed
warnings before the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.
"He was in every meeting that was held on terrorism,"
Ms. Rice said. "All the deputies' meetings, the principals'
meeting that was held and so forth, the early meetings after
Sept. 11."..."
Atrios:
"...AP 6/28/02 Link:
WASHINGTON - President Bush's national
security leadership met formally nearly 100 times in the months
prior to the Sept. 11 attacks yet terrorism was the topic during
only two of those sessions, officials say.
(thanks to ensley)..."
|
2 |
| 14 |
Rice for Bush
"...Richard Clarke had plenty of
opportunities to tell us in the administration that he thought
the war on terrorism was moving in the wrong direction and he
chose not to..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...Clarke sent a memo to Rice principals on 1/24/01 marked
"urgent" asking for a Cabinet-level meeting to deal
with an impending Al Qaeda attack. The White House acknowledges
this, but says "principals did not need to have a formal
meeting to discuss the threat." No meeting occurred until
one week before 9/11.
– White House Press Release, 3/21/04..."
Kansas
City Star:
"...President Bush's top
counterterrorism adviser warned seven days before Sept. 11,
2001, that hundreds of people could die in a strike by al-Qaida.
Richard Clarke also said that the administration was not doing
enough to combat the threat, the commission investigating the
attacks disclosed Wednesday.
Clarke, who served as a senior White House counterterrorism
official under three successive presidents, wrote to national
security adviser Condoleezza Rice on Sept. 4, 2001, urging
“policy-makers to imagine a day after a terrorist attack, with
hundreds of Americans dead at home and abroad, and ask
themselves what they could have done earlier,” according to a
summary of the letter included in a commission staff report.
Clarke cites the same plea in his new book..."
|
1 |
| 15 |
Rice
for Bush
[asserted] "...that Bush had requested a
CIA briefing in the summer of 2001 because of elevated terrorist
threats..."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...At the same time, some of Rice's rebuttals of Clarke's
broadside against Bush, which she delivered in a flurry of media
interviews and statements rather than in testimony, contradicted
other administration officials and her own previous statements.
...the CIA contradicted Rice's earlier assertion that Bush had
requested a CIA briefing in the summer of 2001 because of
elevated terrorist threats..."
Dan
Eggen and Walter Pincus (Washington Post):
"...The CIA now says that a
controversial August 2001 briefing summarizing potential attacks
on the U.S. by al-Qaida was not requested by President Bush, as
Rice and others had long claimed. The Aug. 6, 2001, document,
known as the President's Daily Brief, has been the focus of
intense scrutiny because it reported that al-Qaida leader Osama
bin Laden advocated airplane hijackings, that al-Qaida
supporters were in the United States and that the group was
planning attacks here.
After the existence of the highly classified document was first
revealed in news reports in May 2002, Rice held a news
conference in which she suggested that Bush had requested the
briefing because of his keen concern about elevated terrorist
threat levels that summer. But Richard Ben-Veniste, a Democratic
commission member, disclosed at the hearing yesterday that the
CIA informed the panel last week that the author of the briefing
does not recall such a request from Bush and that the idea to
compile the briefing came from within the CIA..."
|
1 |
| 16 |
Rice
for Bush
"...KING: Clarke says Mr. Bush pressured
him the day after the 9/11 attacks to find evidence blaming Iraq
and that Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and other senior officials
also wanted to blame Saddam Hussein. White House aides say Mr.
Bush and others did initially suspect Iraq but that in the end
they followed the evidence.
RICE: He told me Iraq is to the side. We're going after
Afghanistan and we're going to eliminate the Taliban and the al
Qaeda base in Afghanistan..."
Rice
for Bush
"...Not a single National Security
Council principal at that meeting recommended to the president
going after Iraq. The president thought about it. The next day
he told me Iraq is to the side..."
White
House
"...The President
then advised his NSC Principals on September 17 that Iraq was
not on the agenda, and that the initial US response to 9/11
would be to target al Qaeda and Taliban in Afghanistan.
Dick Clarke did prepare a memo for the
President regarding links between Iraq and 9/11. He sent this
memo to Dr. Rice on September 18, after the President, based on
the advice of his DCI that that there was no evidence that Iraq
was responsible for the attack, had decided that Iraq would not
be a target in our military response for 9/11. Because the
President had already made this decision, Steve Hadley returned
the memo to Dick Clarke on September 25 asking Clarke to
"please update and resubmit," to add any new
information that might have appeared. Clarke indicated there was
none. So when Clarke sent the memo forward again on September
25, Dr. Rice returned it, not because she did not want the
President to read the answer set out in the memo, but because
the President had already been provided the answer and had
already acted based on it..."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...Rice's assertion this week that Bush told her on Sept.
16, 2001, that "Iraq is to the side" appeared to be
contradicted by an order signed by Bush on Sept. 17 directing
the Pentagon to begin planning military options for an invasion
of Iraq.
.."
Center
for American Progress:
"...According to the Washington Post, "six days after
the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon,
President Bush signed a 2-and-a-half-page document" that
"directed the Pentagon to begin planning military options
for an invasion of Iraq." This is corroborated by a CBS
News, which reported on 9/4/02 that five hours after the
9/11 attacks, "Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was
telling his aides to come up with plans for striking Iraq."
In terms of resources, the Iraq decision had far-reaching
effects on the efforts to hunt down Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. As
the Boston Globe reported, "the Bush administration is
continuing to shift highly specialized intelligence officers
from the hunt for Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan
to the Iraq crisis."..."
Daily
Howler:
"...Here are four of Clarke’s
“controversial” charges, along with the supporting material
from Woodward’s much-loved book:
Rummy’s targets: Pundits found it hard to believe that
Rummy really said it! On September 12, Clarke alleged, the wise
old owl was prowling the White House, looking for someone to
bomb:
CLARKE (page 31):
Later in the day, Secretary Rumsfeld complained that there were
no decent targets for bombing in Afghanistan and that we should
consider bombing Iraq, which, he said, had better targets.
At first I thought Rumsfeld was joking. But he was serious and
the President did not reject out of hand the idea of attacking
Iraq.
Pundits wondered if this could be true.
They should have studied their Woodward—for example, his
account of Camp David on 9/15:
WOODWARD (page 84):
When the group reconvened, Rumsfeld asked, Is this the time to
attack Iraq? He noted that there would be a big build-up of
forces in the region, and he was still deeply worried about
the availability of good targets in Afghanistan.
In Bush at War, a string of
advisers note that Iraq would provide better targets. (Hence the
word “still” in the passage above.) Last weekend, Rumsfeld
was asked about Clarke’s troubling claim by Chris Wallace of Fox
News Sunday. Rummy gave two rambling replies; in the course
of his non-answer answers, he never denied making the statement
which Clarke records in his book...
...read Woodward—same day:
WOODWARD (page 49):
Rumsfeld raised the question of Iraq. Why shouldn’t we go
against Iraq, not just al Qaeda? he asked. Rumsfeld was speaking
not only for himself when he raised the question. His deputy,
Paul D. Wolfowitz, was committed to a policy that would make
Iraq a principal target in the first round of the war on
terrorism.
Not that there was anything wrong with it,
but that’s what Woodward records! Indeed, Woodward
shows Cheney voicing a similar view:
WOODWARD (page 43):
“To the extent we define our task broadly,” Cheney said [at
a 9/12 NSC meeting], “including those who support terrorism,
then we get at states. And it’s easier to find them than it is
to find bin Laden.”
Again, rumination on easier targets...
...[Woodward] records Bush’s view on
September 17:
WOODWARD (page 98):
Bush said he wanted a plan to stabilize Pakistan and protect it
against the consequences of supporting the U.S.
As for Saddam Hussein, the president ended the debate. “I
believe Iraq was involved, but I’m not going to strike them
now. I don’t have the evidence at this point.”
In fact, he didn’t have the
evidence, but according to Woodward, he asserted belief..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Britain's former
ambassador to the United States is now confirming that nine
days after 9/11, President Bush asked for Prime Minister
Tony Blair's support in confronting – and potentially
attacking – Iraq. The White House has denied that President
Bush was focused on Iraq after 9/11, despite the Washington Post
confirming the President
signed a directive in the days after the attacks ordering
the Pentagon to begin drawing up Iraq invasion plans. The
British ambassador's charges have already been corroborated by
former Bush counterterrorism chief Richard Clarke and former
Bush Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill. And Sen. Bob Graham (D-FL)
confirms that the result of the President's focus on Iraq after
9/11 was a loss of focus on the hunt for al Qaeda: Graham said
that on a visit to MacDill Air Force Base in February 2002, a
senior commander of Central Command told him, "Senator, we
have stopped fighting the war on terror in Afghanistan. We
are moving military and intelligence personnel and resources out
of Afghanistan to get ready for a future war in Iraq."..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Despite all
evidence pointing to al Qaeda and bin Laden as behind the 9/11
attacks, just as Dick Clarke asserted, the Administration
immediately discussed invading Iraq. Powell testified that on
September 15, 2001, "Iraq
was discussed, and Secretary Wolfowitz raised the issue of
whether or not Iraq should be considered for action during this
time." According to Powell, the President said, "first
things first...we'll start with Afghanistan." Powell could
not rule out the possibility that Wolfowitz suggested attacking
Iraq "instead of Afghanistan."..."
|
2
(1 for lying compassion about
Bush's position and 1 for lying compassion
about other "National Security Council principal's"
positions) |
| 17 |
Rice for Bush
"...The president returned to the White
House and called me in and said, I've learned from George Tenet
that there is no evidence of a link between Saddam Hussein and
9/11..."
|
Daily
Howler:
"...Clarke’s “controversial”
charges, along with the supporting material from Woodward’s
much-loved book...
...[Woodward] records Bush’s view on
September 17:
WOODWARD (page 98):
Bush said he wanted a plan to stabilize Pakistan and protect it
against the consequences of supporting the U.S.
As for Saddam Hussein, the president ended the debate. “I
believe Iraq was involved, but I’m not going to strike them now.
I don’t have the evidence at this point.”
In fact, he didn’t have the
evidence, but according to Woodward, he asserted belief..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...If this is true, then why did the President and Vice
President repeatedly claim Saddam Hussein was directly connected
to 9/11? President Bush sent a letter to Congress on 3/19/03
saying that the Iraq war was permitted specifically under
legislation that authorized force against "nations,
organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or
aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11."
Similarly, Vice President Cheney said on 9/14/03
that "It is not surprising that people make that
connection" between Iraq and the 9/11 attacks, and said
"we don't know" if there is a connection...."
|
1 |
| 18 |
Rice
for Bush
"...I don't know what a sense of urgency
any greater than the one we had would have caused us to do
anything differently. I don't know how...we could have done
more. I would like very much to know what more could have been
done?..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...There are many more things that could have been done:
first and foremost, the Administration could have desisted from
de-emphasizing and cutting funding for counterterrorism in the
months before 9/11. It could have held more meetings of top
principals to get the directors of the CIA and FBI to share
information, especially considering the major intelligence spike
occurring in the summer of 2001. As 9/11 Commissioner Jamie
Gorelick said on ABC this morning, the lack of focus and
meetings meant agencies were not talking to each other, and key
evidence was overlooked. For instance, with better focus and
more urgency, the FBI's discovery of Islamic radicals training
at flight schools might have raised red flags. Similarly, the
fact that "months before Sept. 11, the CIA knew two of the
al-Qaeda hijackers were in the United States" could have
spurred a nationwide manhunt. But because there was no focus or
urgency, "No nationwide manhunt was undertaken," said
Gorelick. "The State Department watch list was not given to
the FAA. If you brought people together, perhaps key connections
could have been made."..."
Robin
Wright (Washington Post):
"...On Sept. 11, 2001, national
security adviser Condoleezza Rice was scheduled to outline a
Bush administration policy that would address "the threats
and problems of today and the day after, not the world of
yesterday" -- but the focus was largely on missile defense,
not terrorism from Islamic radicals. The
speech provides telling insight into the administration's
thinking on the very day that the United States suffered the
most devastating attack since the 1941 bombing of Pearl Harbor.
The address was designed to promote missile defense as the
cornerstone of a new national security strategy, and contained
no mention of al Qaeda, Osama bin Laden or Islamic extremist
groups, according to former U.S. officials who have seen the
text.
.."
Center
for American Progress:
"...new evidence has
surfaced that the Bush Administration was asleep at the wheel
before 9/11. The NYT reports that in the summer of 2001,
warnings became "more dire and more specific" and
"were communicated
repeatedly to the highest levels within the White
House." Nevertheless, the Administration's "priorities
that summer were developing a national missile defense
plan" (evidenced by Rice's
plan to make missile defense the national security
centerpiece in a speech on 9/11) while "money for fighting
terrorism had to be justified against an array of other
priorities," including tax cuts. In one instance, the White
House threatened to veto
an effort to shift $800 million from missile defense into
critical counterterrorism programs. Rice's "own focus until
Sept. 11 was usually fixed on matters
other than terrorism" despite Clinton National Security
Adviser Sandy Berger (and others) imploring
her to focus on terrorism...."
Center
for American Progress:
"...According to
Daniel Benjamin's "The
Age of Sacred Terror," the Bush White House before 9/11
halted previous multilateral efforts to press various countries
to strengthen banking regulations which terrorist networks were
abusing...."
Gail
Sheehy (New York Observer):
"...[Rumsfeld] said that on the
morning of Sept. 11, 2001, he was "hosting a meeting for
some of the members of Congress."
"Ironically, in the course of the conversation, I stressed
how important it was for our country to be adequately prepared
for the unexpected," he said.
It is still incredible to the moms that their Secretary of
Defense continued to sit in his private dining room at the
Pentagon while their husbands were being incinerated in the
towers of the World Trade Center. They know this from an account
posted on Sept. 11 on the Web site of Christopher Cox, a
Republican Congressman from Orange County who is chairman of the
House Policy Committee.
"Ironically," Mr. Cox wrote, "just moments before
the Department of Defense was hit by a suicide hijacker,
Secretary Rumsfeld was describing to me why … Congress has got
to give the President the tools he needs to move forward with a
defense of America against ballistic missiles."..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...President Bush
yesterday claimed that "Prior to September the 11th, we
thought oceans could protect us." That is a troubling
statement from a President, considering that in January of 2001,
the U.S.
Government's Commission on National Security gave the White
House a bipartisan report that warned of an attack on the
homeland and urged the new Administration to implement its
specific "recommendations to prevent acts of domestic
terrorism" (an intelligence warning of a domestic attack
was also given
to the White House in May of 2001). Unfortunately,
according to Sens. Warren Rudman (R-NH) and Gary Hart (D-CO),
the Administration rejected the Commission's report, "preferring
to put aside the recommendations." Instead, the White
House said it would have Vice President Cheney head up a task
force to analyze the threat himself. The Administration then waited
five months to officially create the task force, and then failed
to convene a single meeting of the task force in the four
months before 9/11...." |
1 |
| 19 |
Rice for Bush
"...The president launched an aggressive
response after 9/11..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...In the early days after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks,
the Bush White House cut by nearly two-thirds an emergency
request for counterterrorism funds by the FBI, an internal
administration budget document shows. The papers show that
Ashcroft ranked counterterrorism efforts as a lower priority
than his predecessor did, and that he resisted FBI requests for
more counterterrorism funding before and immediately after the
attacks."
– Washington Post, 3/22/04..." |
1 |
| 20 |
Rice for Bush
"...so far has refused to provide
testimony under oath to the commission that could possibly
resolve the contradictions. On Wednesday night, she told
reporters, "I would like nothing better in a sense than to
be able to go up and do this, but I have a responsibility to
maintain what is a long-standing constitutional separation
between the executive and the legislative branch."
..."
Rice
for Bush
"...Nothing would be better from my point
of view than to be able to testify, but there is an important
principle involved here it is a longstanding principle that
sitting national security advisors do not testify before the
Congress..."
|
Compassiongate:
There are 5 problems with Rice's statements.
(a) The 9/11 Commission is appointed by the President and is not
Congress. So, separation of powers is not an issue.
(b) She changed her story from advisers to national security
advisers over a period of days
(c) She is willing to talk to every media outlet she has time
for, in effect making public statements (not under oath) which
the 9/11 Commission can note and use as information
(d) If she is willing to testify in private, then that breaks
the so-called separation of powers principle anyway
(e) There is enough history of Presidential advisers testifying
before
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...Other presidential aides have waived their immunity;
President Jimmy Carter's national security adviser, Zbigniew
Brzezinski, did, as did President Bill Clinton's national
security adviser, Samuel R. "Sandy" Berger..."
DailyKos:
"...Rice keeps digging
that hole deeper and deeper. NBC doesn't even bother to
couch its language diplomatically:
Although Condoleezza Rice says she must
refuse to testify in public because of executive privilege,
congressional studies have found 20 cases in which White House
advisers did so anyway. NBC's Andrea Mitchell reports..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Republican Commission John F. Lehman, who served as
Navy Secretary under President Reagan said on ABC this morning
that "This is not testimony before a tribunal of the
Congress…There are plenty of precedents for appearing in
public and answering questions…There are plenty of precedents
the White House could use if they wanted to do this."
9/11 Commissioner Jamie Gorelick agreed, saying "Our
commission is sui generis…the Chairman has been appointed by
the President. We are distinguishable from Congress."
Rice's remarks on 60 Minutes that the principle is limited to
"sitting national security advisers" is also a
departure from her statements earlier this week, when she said
the "principle" applied to all presidential advisers.
She was forced to change this claim for 60 Minutes after 9/11
Commissioner Richard Ben-Veniste "cited examples of
non-Cabinet presidential advisers who have testified publicly to
Congress." Finally, the White House is reportedly moving to
declassify congressional testimony then-White House adviser
Richard Clarke gave in 2002. By declassifying this testimony,
the White House is breaking the very same "principle"
of barring White House adviser's testimony from being made
public that Rice is using to avoid appearing publicly before the
9/11 commission..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Condoleezza Rice,
despite discussing
the issue repeatedly on all 5 morning talk shows, refuses to
testify publicly before the committee about the Administration's
terrorism policy. She claims that presidential advisers can't
appear before Congress because of separation-of-powers concerns.
But her argument does not withstand scrutiny. First, the 9/11
commission is not a congressional committee, but an independent
committee, signed into law by the stroke of the President's pen.
But even setting that aside, according to commissioner Richard
Ben-Veniste, a 4/5/02 Congressional Research Service report
shows there are "many precedents involving presidential
advisers" testifying before congressional committees. The
report reveals that Lloyd Cutler, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Samuel
Berger and even American Progress CEO John Podesta appeared
before congressional committees while serving as advisors to
Presidents...."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...A couple hours after Clarke
testified Rice headed over to the mikes and called
his charges "scurrilous."
"This story has so many twists and turns, he needs to get
his story straight," she said.
Rice truly has the best of all worlds. She hangs back at the
White House shooting spit balls at Clarke and the rest of them.
But she doesn't have to back anything up because she doesn't
have to testify under oath or get questioned.
Needless to say, Rice rather undermines her arguments about the
constitutional importance of maintaining the privacy of her
advice to the president since she's sharing all sorts of information
on the Post op-ed page and more or less every TV show in
the universe.
When she went down to the White House press room to make the
statements above, she also read
from a previously classifed email Clarke had written to her
just after 9/11. Needless to say, it was declassifed so she
could try to use it to damage Clarke. Or to put it another way,
it was declassified for narrowly political purposes -- taking
advantage of the fact that the NSC, which Rice runs, is in
charge of that process of declassification.
Evidently there are very few classes of confidential information
Rice is not willing to publicize. She just doesn't want to get questioned.
Now, perhaps you'll say, following the White House line, that
she'd love to testify but a constitutional principle is at stake
and she has, as she puts
it, a "responsibility to maintain what is a
longstanding separation -- constitutional separation between the
executive and the legislative branch."
Now, there is a constitutional issue involved. But Rice
is trying to get people to think that members of the White House
staff never testify. And that's not even close to true.
In my hand I have a 2002 Congressional Research Service study
that lists a whole slew of presidential aides and advisors
who've testified in the past.
Indeed, it lists two of Rice's predecessors as National Security
Advisor who've given public testimony: Zbigniew Brzezinski in
1980 and Sandy Berger in 1997..."
Matthew
Yglesias (TAPPED):
"...The White House announced late Thursday that Ms. Rice
was willing to appear before the panel again, but only in
private and not under oath..."
|
5 |
| 21 |
Cheney for Bush
"..."[Clarke] was moved out of the
counterterrorism business over to the cybersecurity side of
things. That is, he was given the new assignment at some point
there. I don't recall the exact time frame..."
|
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...Cheney frequently gets a pass for
what his aides later portray as unintentional misstatements of
fact. But there are two or three levels of dishonesty involved
in this response. The key one is timing. It's convenient that
Cheney doesn't "recall the exact time frame" since the
time frame puts the lie to his entire point.
Clarke was put in charge of cyberterrorism (a pet
interest of his); but that was after 9/11.
He's saying that Clarke wasn't really so central to the
terrorism big picture prior to 9/11 because he was tasked with
dealing with cyberterrorism (which Cheney describes as something
like a glorified version of Norton AntiVirus). But, as noted,
this happened after 9/11. That's after the period in
which Clarke claims the White House wasn't paying attention to
the terrorism issue.
If there's any question that's the period Cheney
is talking about it becomes more clear as the conversation
continues..."
Ryan
Lizza (TNR):
"...Who could be expected to keep track of such minor
details as how long Clarke was kept as counterterrorism
czar? Maybe some scenes from Clarke's book would jog the vice
president's memory. Clarke was the guy standing in Cheney's
office on the morning of 9/11 with Rice in the minutes after the
first attack. He's the guy that Condi turned to and asked,
"Okay, Dick, you're the crisis manager, what do you
recommend?" Later in the day he was also the guy standing
in between Rice and Cheney in the White House Situation Room. He
was the one whose shoulder Cheney placed his hand on when he
asked, "Are you getting everything you need, everybody
doing what you want?" Cheney might also remember Clarke as
the guy who asked Cheney to request authorization from Bush to
shoot down any hijacked airplanes. He may also recall him as the
man who briefed Bush when the president finally arrived back at
the White House. In other words, Cheney neglected to inform
Limbaugh's audience that Clarke didn't move to cyberterrorism
until a month after 9/11..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Dick Clarke continued, in the Bush Administration, to
be the National Coordinator for Counterterrorism and the
President's principle counterterrorism expert. He was expected
to organize and attend all meetings of Principals and Deputies
on terrorism. And he did."
– White House Press Release, 3/21/04..."
Fred
Kaplan (MSN/Slate) via Atrios:
"...Cheney's elaboration of his dismissal is blatantly
misleading. "He was moved out of the counterterrorism
business over to the cybersecurity side of things ...
attacks on computer systems and, you know, sophisticated
information technology," Cheney scoffed. Limbaugh replied,
"Well, now, that explains a lot, that answer right
there."
It explains nothing. First, he wasn't "moved out"; he
transferred, at his own request, out of frustration with being
cut out of the action on broad terrorism policy, to a new NSC
office dealing with cyberterrorism. Second, he did so after
9/11. (He left government altogether in February 2003.)..."
Clarke
on Salon.com:
"...Before Sept. 11, I was so frustrated with the way they
were handling terrorism that I had asked to be reassigned to a
different job. And the job I proposed was a job I helped to
create -- a job to look at the nation's vulnerability to
cyber-attack. So that job was supposed to be one that I went
into on Oct. 1 [2001]; the actual transfer was delayed, of
course, because Sept. 11 intervened. But it's important to
realize that I asked for that transfer out of the
counterterrorism job before Sept. 11, out of frustration with
the Bush administration's handling of terrorism..."
|
2 |
| 22 |
Cheney for Bush
"...Well, [Clarke] wasn't in the loop,
frankly, on a lot of this stuff..."
|
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...Rice, in turn, has contradicted Vice President Cheney's
assertion that Clarke was "out of the loop" and his
intimation that Clarke had been demoted..."
Daily
Howler:
"...ALTERMAN: [T[he ferocity of the
argument is odd. Clarke is not really revealing anything we did
not already know. So far, I’ve not heard anything—absent
insidery detail—that I did not include in my chapter on the
subject in The Book on Bush, including for instance, the
fact that Cheney’s alleged commission on terrorism never once
met. This is not news. I read it in The Washington Post, I
believe, which is why I knew it..."
Brad
Delong:
"...Ms. Rice said, Mr. Clarke was very much involved in the
administration's fight against terrorism. "I would not use
the word `out of the loop,'... He was in every meeting that was
held on terrorism," Ms. Rice said. "All the deputies'
meetings, the principals' meeting that was held and so forth,
the early meetings after Sept. 11."..."
Brad
Delong:
"...STEVEN HADLEY: Dick is very dedicated, very
knowledgeable about this issue. When the President came into
office, one of the decisions we made was to keep Mr. Clarke and
his counter-terrorism group intact, bring them into the new
administration--a really unprecedented decision, very unusual
when there has been a transition that involves a change of
party. We did that because we knew al Qaeda was a priority, that
there was a risk that we would be attacked and we wanted an
experienced team to try and identify the risk, take actions to
disrupt the terrorists--and if an event, an attack were to
succeed, to be an experienced crisis management team to support
the president..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...Returning to the Wilkinson tirade
already in progress, now blame all previous terrorism attacks on
Clarke's being a doofus while also managing to step on Cheney's
story line by insisting that Clarke was running the show
right before 9/11 ...
[WILKINSON FOR BUSH] I would say that, since this president's
been here, two-thirds of al Qaeda have been captured or killed.
I would say, I would remind you that Dick Clarke was in charge
of counterterrorism policy when the African embassies were
bombed. Dick Clarke was in charge of counterterrorism policy
when the USS Cole was bombed. Dick Clarke was in charge of
counterterrorism policy in the time preceding 9/11 when the
threat was growing..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...The Government's interagency counterterrorism crisis
management forum (the Counterterrorism Security Group, or "CSG")
chaired by Dick Clarke met regularly, often daily, during the
high threat period."
– White House Press Release, 3/21/04..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...Top Bush
officials claimed Clarke's criticism was not credible because,
as Vice President Cheney said, Clarke "was
out of the loop" after the White House counterterrorism
office was downgraded from the top position it occupied under
previous Administrations. But this attack implicitly
acknowledges that counterterrorism was downgraded as a priority
at the White House, and thus disproves the Administration's
claims that it was taking terrorism seriously before 9/11. And
such downgrading is consistent with other internal
Administration documents. As columnist Paul Krugman notes,
before 9/11 not only did the Administration "completely
drop terrorism as a priority — it wasn't even mentioned in
his list of seven 'strategic goals' — just one day before 9/11
it proposed a reduction in counterterrorism funds."..."
Moe
Blues at Bad Attitudes via Atrios:
"...So Dick Cheney is making the rounds claiming that
Clarke was "out of the loop" in the administration's
counter-terror efforts. Therefore, Clarke doesn't know what he's
talking about and anything he says should be instantly
discounted.
It's amazing that Cheney does not seem to realize what he is
actually saying: That the Bush administration's top expert on
terrorism was not consulted about their counter-terrorism
efforts. This presents several unpalatable choices:
1. Cheney is lying for political gain. If the public picks up on
this, the backlash could be out of all proportion to the damage
Cheney is trying to control.
2. The administration deliberately ignored its in-house expert,
with September 11 being the result. This eliminates one more
scapegoat, since the White House cannot simultaneously blame
Clarke for failing to stop 9/11 while claiming he was "out
of the loop" on counter-terrorism.
3. Assuming Cheney speaks the truth, it actually bolsters
Clarke's claim to Cassandra-hood. Cut out of the loop, his
warnings went nowhere and were ignored. That, too, is pretty
damning of the administration...."
Ryan
Lizza (TNR):
"...On "60 Minutes" last
weekend, Condoleezza Rice's deputy, Steve Hadley, made this
case:
Dick is very dedicated,
very knowledgeable about this issue. When the President came
into office, one of the decisions we made was to keep Mr. Clarke
and his counter-terrorism group intact, bring them into the new
administration--a really unprecedented decision, very unusual
when there has been a transition that involves a change of
party. We did that because we knew al Qaeda was a priority, that
there was a risk that we would be attacked and we wanted an
experienced team to try and identify the risk, take actions to
disrupt the terrorists--and if an event, an attack were to
succeed, to be an experienced crisis management team to support
the president..."
Fred
Kaplan (MSN/Slate) via Atrios:
"...To an unusual degree, the Bush people can't get their
story straight. On the one hand, Condi Rice has said that Bush
did almost everything that Clarke recommended he do. On the
other hand, Vice President Dick
Cheney, appearing on Rush Limbaugh's show, acted as if
Clarke were a lowly, eccentric clerk: "He wasn't in the
loop, frankly, on a lot of this stuff." This is laughably
absurd. Clarke wasn't just in the loop, he was the
loop...."
|
1 |
| 23 |
Wilkinson for
Bush
"...it was this president who expedited
the deployment of the armed Predator..."
Rice
for Bush
"...We pushed hard to arm the Predator
unmanned aerial vehicle so we could target terrorists with
greater precision. But the Predator was designed to conduct
surveillance, not carry weapons. Arming it presented many
technical challenges and required extensive testing. Military
and intelligence officials agreed that the armed Predator was
simply not ready for deployment before the fall of 2001..."
|
Center
for American Progress:
"...But according to
Newsweek, it was the Bush Administration which "elected
not to relaunch the Predator" and threatened to veto
the defense bill if it "diverted $800 million from missile
defense into counterterrorism" programs like the Predator.
As a result, AP reports, "though Predator drones spotted
Osama bin Laden as many as three times in late 2000, the Bush
administration did
not fly the unmanned planes over Afghanistan during its
first eight months." While "the military successfully
tested an armed Predator throughout the first half of
2001," the Bush Administration failed to resolve a
bureaucratic "debate over whether the CIA or Pentagon
should operate" the system, and it did not get off the
ground before 9/11..."
Barton
Gellman (Washington Post) via Avedon
Carol via Road
to Surfdom:
"...Barton Gellman: Not clear if you mean refute or rebut.
For the latter, the White House says, for instance, that Clarke
is wrong to say Bush delayed use of the armed Predator drone to
go after bin Laden. Administration says the drone just wasn't
ready until at lease August or early September, so they didn't
lose much time before 9/11. My reporting a long time ago (my
producer, I think, will post the links) found that it could have
flown by early spring, and that Clarke among others pushed hard
for that. The administration hadn't decided its terror policy
yet, and didn't force resolution to a Pentagon v. CIA dispute on
who would be responsible for using and paying for the drone.
(Not what you may think -- neither one wanted it.)..."
|
1 |
| 24 |
McClellan for
Bush
"...[Clarke's] right that in October --
in October of 2001, when the President signed this directive,
the President was directing the Pentagon to prepare plans for
the invasion of Iraq?
MR. McCLELLAN: That's why I said, that's part -- that's part of
his revisionist history.
Q That's not true?
MR. McCLELLAN: That's part of his revisionist history, that's
what I'm saying --
Q Are you saying it's not true?
MR. McCLELLAN: Yes, that's right. I am..."
|
Atrios:
"...From the WaPo, over
a year ago:
On Sept. 17, 2001, six days after the
attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, President
Bush signed a 2½-page document marked "TOP SECRET"
that outlined the plan for going to war in Afghanistan as part
of a global campaign against terrorism.
Almost as a footnote, the document also directed the Pentagon to
begin planning military options for an invasion of Iraq, senior
administration officials said.
The previously undisclosed Iraq directive is characteristic of
an internal decision-making process that has been obscured from
public view. Over the next nine months, the administration would
make Iraq the central focus of its war on terrorism without
producing a rich paper trail or record of key meetings and
events leading to a formal decision to act against President
Saddam Hussein, according to a review of administration
decision-making based on interviews with more than 20
participants.
Instead, participants said, the decision to confront Hussein at
this time emerged in an ad hoc fashion. Often, the process
circumvented traditional policymaking channels as longtime
advocates of ousting Hussein pushed Iraq to the top of the
agenda by connecting their cause to the war on terrorism.
(thanks to Phelix)..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...This denial
was echoed by National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice as
well. But according to the 1/12/03 WP (which quotes senior
Administration officials) "six days after the attacks on
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, President Bush
signed a 2-and-a-half-page document marked 'TOP
SECRET'" that "directed the Pentagon to begin planning
military options for an invasion of Iraq." This is
corroborated by a CBS News, which reported on 9/4/02 that
five hours after the 9/11 attacks, "Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld
was telling his aides to come up with plans for striking Iraq."
And it is consistent with the President's thinking. As he said
immediately after the attacks, "I
believe Iraq was involved" and Iraq "probably
was behind this in the end" - despite having no proof
and being told
that was not the case...."
|
1 |
| 25 |
Tenet for Bush
"...denied that Mr Bush had
under-estimated the threat. "Clearly there was no lack of
care or focus in the face of one of the greatest dangers our
country has ever faced," he said...."
|
Brad
Delong:
"...From Richard Clarke, Against
All Enemies, p. 13:
Dale Watson, counterterrorism chief at FBI, was waving at the
camera.... "And, Dick, call me in SIOC when you
can."... Dale had something he did not want to share with
everyone....
Frank Miller took over... I stepped out and called Watson on a
secure line. "We got the passenger manifests from the
airlines. We recognize some names, Dick. They're Al Qaeda."
I was stunned, not that the attack was Al Qaeda but that there
were Al Qaeda operatives on board aircraft using names that the
FBI knew were Al Qaeda.
"How the fuck did they get on board then?" I demanded.
"Hey, don't shoot the messenger, friend. CIA forgot to tell
us about them." Dale Watson was one of the good guys at
FBI. He had been trying hard to get the Bureau to go after Al
Qaeda in the United States with limited success..."
Robin
Wright (Washington Post):
"...On Sept. 11, 2001, national
security adviser Condoleezza Rice was scheduled to outline a
Bush administration policy that would address "the threats
and problems of today and the day after, not the world of
yesterday" -- but the focus was largely on missile defense,
not terrorism from Islamic radicals. The
speech provides telling insight into the administration's
thinking on the very day that the United States suffered the
most devastating attack since the 1941 bombing of Pearl Harbor.
The address was designed to promote missile defense as the
cornerstone of a new national security strategy, and contained
no mention of al Qaeda, Osama bin Laden or Islamic extremist
groups, according to former U.S. officials who have seen the
text.
.."
Michael
Isikoff and Mark Hosenball (Newsweek):
"...In fact, the commission staff released a wealth of new
details over the past two days that tend to corroborate
Clarke’s basic story: that the Bush White House did not treat
Al Qaeda as an “urgent” priority in the months before
September 11. In one staff report, the commission stated that
deputy CIA director John McLaughlin had told the panel there was
“great tension” in the summer of 2001 between the Bush
administration policymakers and intelligence officials who
believed, like him, “that this was a matter of great
urgency.” The report added that two CIA analysts who
specialized in monitoring Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden
“were so worried about an impending disaster that one of them
told us that they considered resigning and going public with
their concerns.”
Yet the commission’s staff reports
suggest the new Bush administration was moving slowly on many
fronts: Clarke himself was upbraided in January 2001 when he
asked for an immediate “principals” meeting of cabinet
chiefs to develop an urgent new anti-Al Qaeda policy and was
told to instead work with a committee of “deputy” chiefs. By
the summer of 2001, when this committee had finally drawn up
recommendations, many of the "principals" had already
departed Washington for their annual vacations and the meeting
was not held until Sept. 4, a week before the attacks.
At the time, Clarke said, intelligence warnings of a
“spectacular” attack were pouring in at a level higher than
anything top intelligence officials had ever seen. Yet at the
Pentagon, according to another commission report, Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld had devoted little time to the issue and
some of his aides “told us that they thought the new team was
focused on other issues”—such as dissolving an
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty that was impeding the
administration’s plans to develop a new Star Wars antimissile
defense system. The commission noted that the Defense Department
post that traditionally deals most with counterterrorism, an
assistant secretary for special operations and low-intensity
conflict, hadn’t even been filled at the time that one of the
hijacked airlines slammed into the Pentagon.
Clarke himself was so deeply dismayed with the results of the
Bush White House policy review on Al Qaeda—and thought it was
so ineffective—that he fired off a memo to national-security
adviser Condoleezza Rice just before the Sept. 4 meeting of
cabinet chiefs. The memo, according to the commission staff,
laid out Clarke’s frustrations with the Pentagon and the CIA
for resisting his proposals for immediate, aggressive
actions against bin Laden. In the memo, the commission staff
stated, Clarke “urged policymakers to imagine a day after a
terrorist attack, with hundreds of American dead at home and
abroad, and ask themselves what they could have done.” ..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...[Outgoing Deputy National
Security Advisor Lieutenant General Donald L. Kerrick], who
stayed through the first four months of the Bush administration,
said, "candidly speaking, I didn't detect" a strong
focus on terrorism. "That's not being derogatory. It's just
a fact. I didn't detect any activity but what Dick Clarke and
the CSG [the Counterterrorism Strategy Group he chaired] were
doing." General Hugh Shelton, whose term as chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff began under Clinton and ended under Bush,
concurred. In his view, the Bush administration moved terrorism
"farther to the back burner."
America
Unbound, p. 76
Ivo Daalder & James Lindsay..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...President Bush
yesterday claimed that "Prior to September the 11th, we
thought oceans could protect us." That is a troubling
statement from a President, considering that in January of 2001,
the U.S.
Government's Commission on National Security gave the White
House a bipartisan report that warned of an attack on the
homeland and urged the new Administration to implement its
specific "recommendations to prevent acts of domestic
terrorism" (an intelligence warning of a domestic attack
was also given
to the White House in May of 2001). Unfortunately,
according to Sens. Warren Rudman (R-NH) and Gary Hart (D-CO),
the Administration rejected the Commission's report, "preferring
to put aside the recommendations." Instead, the White
House said it would have Vice President Cheney head up a task
force to analyze the threat himself. The Administration then waited
five months to officially create the task force, and then failed
to convene a single meeting of the task force in the four
months before 9/11...."
Also see TAPPED |
1 |
| 26 |
Rice for Bush
"...During the transition,
President-elect Bush's national security team was briefed on the
Clinton administration's efforts to deal with al Qaeda. The
seriousness of the threat was well understood by the president
and his national security principals..."
Rice
for Bush
"...The fact of the matter is [that] the
administration focused on this before 9/11..."
|
Atrios:
"...From Woodward's book, page 39.
"Until September 11, however, Bush
had not put that thinking [that Clinton's response to al Qaeda
emboldened bin Laden] into practice, nor had he pressed the
issue of bin Laden. Though Rice and others were developing a
plan to eliminate al Qaeda, no formal recommendations had ever
been presented to the president.
"I know there was a plan in the works. . . . I don't know
how mature the plan was," Bush recalled. . . .He
acknowledged that bin Laden was not his focus or that of his
national security team. There was a significant difference in my
attitude after September 11. I was not on point [before that
date], but I knew he was a menace, and I knew he was a
problem."
(thanks to reader t)..."
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...[Outgoing Deputy National
Security Advisor Lieutenant General Donald L. Kerrick], who
stayed through the first four months of the Bush administration,
said, "candidly speaking, I didn't detect" a strong
focus on terrorism. "That's not being derogatory. It's just
a fact. I didn't detect any activity but what Dick Clarke and
the CSG [the Counterterrorism Strategy Group he chaired] were
doing." General Hugh Shelton, whose term as chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff began under Clinton and ended under Bush,
concurred. In his view, the Bush administration moved terrorism
"farther to the back burner."
America
Unbound, p. 76
Ivo Daalder & James Lindsay..."
Clarke
on CNN:
"...President Bush himself said in a book when he gave an
interview to Bob Woodward, he said "I didn't feel a sense
of urgency about al Qaeda. It was not my focus, it was the focus
of my team." He is saying that. President Bush said that to
Bob Woodward. I'm not the first one to say this..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...President Bush and Vice President Cheney's
counterterrorism task force, which was created in May, never
convened one single meeting. The President himself admitted that
"I didn't feel the sense of urgency" about terrorism
before 9/11..."
Center
for American Progress:
"...[Clarke's] claim is substantiated also by the public
record: Clarke's
January memo marked "urgent" to Condoleezza Rice
asking for a top level meeting to prepare for an imminent Al
Qaeda attack was ignored for eight months. When one of the
commissioners asked Clarke "is that eight-month period
unusual?" he noted "It is unusual when you are being
told every day that there is an urgent threat."...
Salon.com editor Sidney
Blumenthal reports that Clarke's assertions about the Bush
Administration's complacency are now
being corroborated by another former Bush national security
official. "Gen. Donald Kerrick, who served as
deputy national security advisor under Clinton and remained on
the NSC for several months into the new Bush administration,
wrote his replacement, Stephen Hadley, a two-page memo."
Kerrick noted he said in the memo "they needed to pay
attention to al-Qaeda and counterterrorism. I said we were going
to be struck again. We didn't know where or when. They never
once asked me a question nor did I see them having a serious
discussion about it. They didn't feel it was an imminent threat
the way the Clinton administration did. Hadley did not respond
to my memo. I know he had it. I agree with Dick that they saw
those problems through an Iraqi prism. But the evidence wasn't
there."..."
Also see: Misleader.org;
Sen.
Gary Hart interviewed on Salon.com
|
1 |
| 27 |
McClellan
for Bush
"...It's important to keep in context
we're in the heat of a presidential campaign and all of a sudden
he comes out with a book that he is seeking to promote ... and
he is making charges that simply did not happen..."
|
Al
Kamen (Washington Post):
"...the Bush folks are acting as if
they just heard last weekend that he had a book coming out.
Which is just about true, although the book was physically in
the White House months ago.
Clarke, bound by the usual pre-publication review agreement,
shipped it to the National Security Council on Nov. 4 for a
review that lasted at least a couple of months, the White House
said.
Not once, apparently, did the NSC reviewers mention to the
communications or political people that they had an election
bomb on their hands.
Buzz is that the NSC types apparently felt it would have been
inappropriate to do so. What? Once again the Bush White House
stubbornly refuses to use the levers of power for political
purposes? So maybe there is some legal, moral or ethical
constraint. This is Washington, for crying out loud.
Had the political people gotten their hands on the book, they
might have rushed the vetting so the book could have come out in
December. (This in turn would have strengthened the argument
that Clarke put it out now only for sales and political
purposes.) Or they could have tried an extended rope-a-dope to
delay publication until after the election..."
Clarke
on CNN:
"...I wrote the book as soon as I retired from government.
It was finished last fall and it sat in the White House for
months, because as a former White House official my book has to
be reviewed by the White House for security purposes. This book
could have come out a long time ago, months and months ago if
the White House hadn't sat on it....
They took months and months to do it. They're saying, why is the
book coming out at the beginning of the election? I didn't want
it to come out at the beginning of the election. I wanted it to
come out last year. They're the reason, because they took so
long to clear it..."
Jennifer
Loven (AP) via Talkingpointsmemo:
"...Also, even though the White House
argued that Clarke's memoir was released to do the maximum
political damage to Bush in a presidential election year,
McClellan would not say when the required national security
review of the book was completed, allowing its publication to
proceed. Publications by administration officials are routinely
vetted to make sure that nothing is released that compromises
classified information or national security..."
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post): "...the
broad outline of Clarke's criticism has been corroborated by a
number of other former officials, congressional and commission
investigators, and by Bush's admission in the 2003 Bob Woodward
book "Bush at War" that he "didn't feel that
sense of urgency" about Osama bin Laden before the attacks
occurred.
In addition, a review of dozens of declassified citations from
Clarke's 2002 testimony provides no evidence of contradiction,
and White House officials familiar with the testimony agree that
any differences are matters of emphasis, not fact. Indeed, the
declassified 838-page report of the 2002 congressional inquiry
includes many passages that appear to bolster the arguments
Clarke has made..."
Jeanne
D'Arc via Road
to Surfdom:
"...But shouldn't that excuse be laughed out of the arena?
Obviously the Bush administration has exploited national
security concerns for political purposes all along, but national
security isn't a laughing matter, or a matter for bickering. But
isn't the whole point of elections to force people running for
office to answer questions about what they've done and what they
will do? In an election with an incumbent, is there anything
more important than accountability? Clarke's charges aren't
coming a week before the election. The administration has more
than seven months to refute him and argue for the validity of
its own vision. If they had any sense whatsoever of how a
democracy worked, that's what they'd be doing, not arguing that
there's something underhanded about discussing actual issues in
an election year..."
|
2 |
| 28 |
Roehrkasse/Ridge
for Bush
"...In an interview Sunday night, Brian
Roehrkasse, a spokesman for the department, denied that Ridge
was against the creation of the [Homeland Security] department..."
|
Billmon:
"...The problem, of course, is that
[it]...is an audacious lie. Creation of the DHS was originally
opposed both by Ridge and by the Bush adminstration -- as even a
cursory Googling
reveals. And, as you may recall, even after the Bushies
nominally agreed to the idea, they threatened to veto
legislation creating the department unless it stripped employees
of their collective bargaining rights and civil service
protections. (The second part of Roehrkasse's statement very
well may also be a lie, but I'm too busy this morning to run it
down.)..."
Also see Talkingpointsmemo
|
1 |
| 29 |
McClellan for
Bush
"...The White
House, seeking to cool criticism from a former top anti-terror
adviser, said Tuesday that Richard Clarke's resignation letter
praised President Bush's "courage, determination, calm and
leadership" on Sept. 11, 2001."It has been an enormous
privilege to serve you these last 24 months," said the Jan.
20, 2003, letter from Clarke to Bush. "I will always
remember the courage, determination, calm, and leadership you
demonstrated on September 11th."...
White House spokesman Scott McClellan suggested Clarke's praise
belies his later criticism of Bush's handling of the
crisis..."
|
Jennifer
Loven (AP) via Talkingpointsmemo:
"...But the letter contains no praise
of Bush's anti-terror actions before or after the attacks —
only on the day of..."
Ryan
Lizza (TNR):
"...Somehow the point is supposed to be that the letter
contradicts Clarke's criticism of the Bush administration's
terrorism policies. But the letter is perfectly consistent with
what Clarke writes in Against All Enemies.
Here's the section of the letter the White House and others seem
to believe is so damning:
I will always remember the
courage, determination, calm, and leadership you demonstrated on
September 11th, first on the video link from STRATCOM and later
that day in the PEOC and the Situation Room.
Notice how he limits his praise to one
specific day. If I were Bush I would have been a little
suspicious about how much Clarke really admired me when this
landed on my desk. If I received a letter from one of my
colleagues at TNR summing up my
tenure, and all it said was, "I will always remember your
perceptive article on cotton subsidies," I might wonder
about her opinion of the rest of my work.
Anyway, in his book Clarke has almost identical praise for
Bush's performance on 9/11. He writes:
Immediately following the
[Oval Office] address [to the nation], the President met with us
in the PEOC [Presidential Emergency Operations Center], a place
he had never seen. Unlike in his three television appearances
that day, Bush was confident, determined, forceful
[emphasis added].
"I want you all to understand that we are at war and we
will stay at war until this is done. Nothing else matters.
Everything is available for the pursuit of this war. Any
barriers in your way, they're gone. Any money you need, you have
it. This is our only agenda." The President asked me to
focus on identifying what the next attack might be and
preventing it.
Clarke's whole point is that despite what
Bush said on 9/11, he didn't "stay at war until this is
done." The next day he was asking about Iraq. Several weeks
later in Afghanistan, Bush didn't send American soldiers to go
after bin Laden at Tora Bora. Soon after, intelligence and
military assets were being redirected to Iraq. You can say
Clarke's criticism is wrong, but there is no inconsistency with
praising Bush on 9/11 and condemning his overall approach to
terrorism.
Finally, I would never accuse the White House of selectively
leaking a document that doesn't tell the whole story, but why
didn't Bush's aides also release the letter Bush sent Clarke?
Here's what The Washington Post reported in a March 13,
2003 piece about Clarke's retirement:
The present commander-in-chief is said to
like Clarke--he sent him a warm, handwritten note and
invited him to the Oval Office on Feb. 19 for a goodbye chat ..."
Frank
Rich (New York Times):
"...Mr. Clarke pulled a rabbit out of a hat in the form of
an adulatory handwritten note from President Bush. This move...checkmated
the administration's efforts to belittle Mr. Clarke's government
service..."
|
1 |
| 30 |
McClellan
for Bush
"...his assertion that there was
something we could have done to prevent the September 11th
attacks from happening is deeply irresponsible, it's offensive,
and it's flat-out false..."
|
Clarke
on Salon.com:
"...I didn't say it. I said we'll never know, and I've said
that over and over again. We will never know. There were
certainly some steps that, had they been taken, would have
perhaps resulted in the arrest of two of the hijackers. But
we'll never know whether that would have led to the arrests of
the others..."
CBS
News:
"...For the first time, the chairman of the independent
commission investigating the Sept. 11 attacks is saying publicly
that 9/11 could have and should have been prevented, reports CBS
News Correspondent Randall Pinkston.
"This is a very, very important part of history and we've
got to tell it right," said Thomas Kean.
"As you read the report, you're going to have a pretty
clear idea what wasn't done and what should have been
done," he said. "This was not something that had to
happen."..."
Kirk
Semple (New York Times):
"...he terrorist strikes of Sept. 11,
2001, could have been prevented had the United States government
acted sooner to dismantle Al Qaeda and responded more quickly to
other terrorist threats, the chairman of the commission
investigating the attacks said today, even as the White House
sought to dispel the notion that the attacks were avoidable.
Thomas H. Kean, chairman of the commission and former Republican
governor of New Jersey, said that had the United States seized
early opportunities to kill Osama bin Laden in the years before
Sept. 11, "the whole story would've been different."
Mr. Kean's comments on the NBC News program "Meet the
Press" echoed statements he made in December and January.
But he emphatically declared that additional months of testimony
and investigation had not altered his view.
"What we've found now on the commission has not changed
that belief because there were so many threads and so many
things, individual things, that happened," he said.
"And if some of those things hadn't happened the way they
happened," the attacks could have been prevented..."
|
2
(1 for saying Clarke said something he did not
and one for claiming something about 9/11 that itself was false
compassionate) |
| 31 |
McClellan
for Bush
"...There's no record of the President
being in the Situation Room on that day that it was alleged to
have happened, on the day of September the 12th...
[The President] doesn't have any recollection of it, and, again,
it purportedly took place in the Situation Room. There's no
record to indicate that happened..."
Hadley
for Bush
"...We can not find evidence that this
[Situation Room] conversation [about links between Al Qaeda and
Iraq] between Mr. Clarke and the President [on September 12,
2001] ever occurred..."
|
Brad
Delong:
"...White House Communications
Director Dan Bartlett on the Newshour with Jim Lehrer -- text
and audio. "I'm not here to dispute that there wasn't a
conversation and the fact that President Bush didn't ask
questions about Iraq, I'm sure he did and I'm glad he
did..."
HADLEY: But the point I think we're missing in this is of course
the President wanted to know [on September 12] if there was any
evidence linking Iraq to 9/11..."
Daily
Kos:
"...This may be somewhat old news by now, but the New York
Times article
about Richard Clarke by Miller Bumiller and Stevenson (oh my) is
really, really bad...
Miller et al just print McClellan's dismissal of Beer's stature,
not to mention the shocking fact two consecutive
counter-terrorism experts, both known for impartiality and
excellent service to Presidents of both parties, have resigned
from their posts. Second, there's this:...
One ally, Mr. Clarke's former deputy,
Roger Cressey, backed the thrust of one of the most incendiary
accusations in the book, about a conversation that Mr. Clarke
said he had with Mr. Bush in the White House Situation Room on
the night of Sept. 12, 2001...
Scott McClellan,
the White House press secretary, responded at a White House
briefing on Monday that Mr. Bush did not remember having the
conversation, and that there were no records that placed the
president in the Situation Room at the time.
Mr. Clarke countered in a telephone interview on Monday that he
had four witnesses, including Mr. Cressey, who is a partner with
Mr. Clarke in a consulting company that advises on cybersecurity
issues. In an interview, Mr. Cressey said the national security
adviser, Condoleezza Rice, also witnessed the exchange.
Administration officials said Ms. Rice had no recollection of
it...
In addition to Mr. Cressey, at least two other former officials
with knowledge of what occurred in the Situation Room that day
also backed up the thrust of Mr. Clarke's account, though one of
the two challenged Mr. Clarke's assertion that Mr. Bush's
demeanor and that of other senior White House officials was
intimidating...
Reading that you may think the Times does a
pretty good job of making it clear that at least four people do
remember the conversation between Clarke and Bush, and that Bush
and Rice don't remember the conversation, but don't say
that it didn't happen. But the Times article is not so
clear, since there is a 20 paragraph gap between the last two
paragraphs highlighted above. Between those paragraphs
there is the crap about Rand Beers...
In his 60
Minutes interview, Clarke...didn't say the conversation took
place in the Situation Room itself:
THe president -- we were in the situation
room complex -- the president dragged me into a room with a
couple of other people..."
|
1 |
| 32 |
Wilkinson for
Bush
"...Dick Clarke, on another interview he
gave to PBS "Frontline," said that, right after 9/11,
all his options were open. He wasn't sure who did it. So, again,
we see Mr. Clarke on three sides of a two-sided issue...."
|
Talkingpointsmemo:
"...Next from Wilkinson, misstate Clarke's statements and
then accuse him of Iraq double-talk by again mischaracterizing
another statement...
Here's the Frontline passage
Wilkinson is referring to...
Question: Because one of
the things that surprises a lot of the public, I think, is that
immediately after Sept. 11, the administration knew exactly who
had done it. Was that why?
Clarke: No. On the day of Sept. 11, then the day or two
following, we had a very open mind. CIA and FBI were asked,
"See if it's Hezbollah. See if it's Hamas. Don't assume
it's Al Qaeda. Don't just assume it's Al Qaeda." Frankly,
there was absolutely not a shred of evidence that it was anybody
else. The evidence that it was Al Qaeda began just to be massive
within days after the attack.
Question: Somebody's quoted as saying that they walked into your
office and almost immediately afterwards, the first words out of
your mouth was "Al Qaeda."
Clarke: Well, I
assumed it was Al Qaeda. No one else had the intention of doing
that. No one else that I knew of had the capability of doing
that. So yes, as soon as it happened, I assumed it was Al Qaeda..."
|
1 |
| 33 |
Wilkinson for
Bush
"...If you look in [Clarke’s] book you
find interesting things such as reported in the Washington Post
this morning. He’s talking about how he sits back and
visualizes chanting by bin Laden and bin Laden has a mystical
mind control over U.S. officials. This is sort of X-Files stuff,
and this is a man in charge of terrorism..."
|
Daily
Howler:
"...Background:
In chapter 10 of Richard Clarke’s book, he explains his
opposition to the war in Iraq. In detail, he explains why the
war plays into Osama bin Laden’s hands. He may be right, or he
may be wrong. This passage ends the chapter:
CLARKE (page 246):
Nothing America could have done would have provided Al-Qaida and
its new generation of cloned groups a better recruitment device
than our unprovoked invasion of an oil-rich Arab country.
Nothing else could have so well negated all our other positive
acts and so closed Muslim eyes and ears to our subsequent calls
for reform in their region. It was as if Osama bin Laden, hidden
in some high mountain redoubt, were engaging in long-range mind
control of George Bush, chanting, “Invade Iraq, you must
invade Iraq.”
Clarke imagines bin Laden “engaging in
long-range mind control of George Bush.” Those familiar with
life on this planet will know he was speaking ironically.
But the White House hopes to make a joke of your discourse, and
fellows like Blitzer seem eager to help. Bush aides don’t want
to discuss Clarke’s ideas—they want to slime and smear the
messenger. They want to talk about profiteering. They want to
talk about bad motives. According to Blitzer, they want to
whisper about “weird aspects” of Clarke’s “personal
life.” And they want to find trivial points in the book which
they can use to create dumb distortions..."
|
1 |
| 34 |
McClellan
for Bush
"...Dr. Rice asked for the ideas that
Dick Clarke had in mind, or the previous policies of the
previous administration. But we wanted to go beyond that. We
didn't feel it was sufficient to simply roll back al Qaeda; we
pursued a policy to eliminate al Qaeda...."
Rice
for Bush
"...The president wanted more than a
laundry list of ideas simply to contain al Qaeda or 'roll back'
the threat. Once in office, we quickly began crafting a
comprehensive new strategy to 'eliminate' the al Qaeda network..."
|
Ryan
Lizza (TNR):
"...This is an odd statement since Clarke for several years
had been calling unambiguously for the complete destruction of
bin Laden's organization. In fact, it was Clarke himself who was
tasked with writing the new administration plan to deal with Al
Qaeda. He pulled out his plan from the Clinton years, and
presented it at a deputies meeting. It was the Bushies who
flinched at the plan's aggressiveness. Several deputies thought
the goal to "eliminate al Qaeda" went too far. They
wanted the document to say "significantly erode al Qaeda."
Clarke won but it hardly mattered. September 11 happened before
Bush ever signed the plan..."
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...Rice and others in the administration have said that
they implemented much more aggressive policies than those of
Clarke and President Bill Clinton. Rice said the Bush team
developed "a comprehensive strategy that would not just
roll back al Qaeda -- which had been the policy of the Clinton
administration -- but we needed a strategy to eliminate al Qaeda."
But in 2002, Rice's deputy, Stephen J. Hadley, wrote to the
joint committee that the new policy was exactly what Rice
described as the old one. "The goal was to move beyond the
policy of containment, criminal prosecution, and limited
retaliation for specific attacks, toward attempting to 'roll
back' al Qaeda."
..."
Spencer
Ackerman (TNR):
"...Rollback" is not the same thing as
"containment," as Powell claimed; and
"rollback" is, by any reasonable definition, a synonym
for "elimination." Yet Powell repeatedly tried to
muddy these definitions. "Our goal was to eliminate Al
Qaeda," he said yesterday. "It was no longer to roll
it back or reduce its effectiveness. Our goal was to destroy it.
... [The September 2001] NSPD did not speak of the rollback or
the erosion of Al Qaeda as the previous policy had elaborated;
rather it spoke of the elimination of Al Qaeda." This is
audacious. "Rollback" and "elimination" are
the same thing. Just listen to how senior Bush
administration officials talked about "rollback"
before they hatched this new rhetorical gambit. Last week on
"Meet The Press," Rice lamented that when the United
States considered how to deal with terrorists before September
11, "we believed for a long time that law enforcement would
get this done, that we did not have to roll them back in terms
of territory." More to the point, take Rice's deputy
Hadley--who, in written testimony given to the 2002 joint
inquiry of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees into
September 11, described the Bush White House policy on Al Qaeda.
He issues the same misleading description of Clinton's efforts
as Powell--but he also, inconveniently for the administration in
retrospect, defines Bush's goal as rollback:
From the first days of the Bush
administration through September 2001, it conducted a
comprehensive, senior-level review of policy for dealing with Al
Qaeda. The goal was to move beyond the policy of containment,
criminal prosecution and limited retaliation for specific
attacks, toward attempting to 'roll back' Al Qaeda
[emphasis added]..."
Also see Brad
Delong
|
1 |
| 35 |
Wolfowitz
for Bush
"...According to Clarke, Wolfowitz said,
"Who cares about a little terrorist in Afghanistan?"
The real threat, Wolfowitz insisted, was state-sponsored
terrorism orchestrated by Saddam. In the meeting, says Clarke,
Wolfowitz cited the writings of Laurie Mylroie, a controversial
academic who had written a book advancing an elaborate
conspiracy theory that Saddam was behind the 1993 World Trade
Center bombing. Clarke says he tried to refute Wolfowitz.
"We've investigated that five ways to Friday, and nobody
[in the government] believes that," Clarke recalls saying.
"It was Al Qaeda. It wasn't Saddam." A spokesman for
Wolfowitz described Clarke's account as a
"fabrication." Wolfowitz always regarded Al Qaeda as
"a major threat," said this official...."
|
Matthew
Yglesias (TAPPED):
"...Now I wasn't there, so I don't
know what happened, but these defenses of Wolfowitz don't seem
very plausible to me. Josh Marshall did a little Nexis
work and found precisely zero instances of Wolfowitz stating
that al-Qaeda was an important threat. He did find time to
contribute to a 1997 book called The Future of Iraq.
According to the Foreign Affairs review:
Nine authors handle the
usual subjects, including the impact of sanctions, oil and
general economic prospects, and Iraq's regional policies in the
1990s, plus they give descriptions of Iraqi political culture
with an eye to what the future might hold. As for U.S. policy
recommendations, Paul Wolfowitz prefers getting rid of the Iraqi
regime using not just military pressure but "a political
strategy that makes clear not only our opposition to Saddam, but
also our willingness to support an alternative."
Back in 1994 he penned a 5,800 word essay
for Foreign Affairs on the Clinton foreign policy where,
like every
other Bush official I can find, he does not so much as mention
terrorism. Here's his description of threats to American
security:
The dangers do not come from Somalia or Haiti, but rather, in
the near to medium term, they come from what National Security
Adviser Anthony Lake has called "backlash states" like
Iran and Iraq, particularly if those states acquire nuclear
weapons. In the longer term, much greater threats could emerge
if the United States fails to maintain the broad peace and
stability that has been achieved in the great power centers of
Europe and Asia.
This is consistent with everything we know
about the rest of the Bush national security team: Their
priorities were on removing Saddam Hussein from power,
constructing a national missile defense system, and managing
great power relations with Russia and China -- terrorism simply
wasn't on the agenda.
It seems particularly noteworthy to me that Wolfowitz's
spokesman offered this non-denial denial of the charge that he
was hyping Laurie Mylroie's theory that Saddam was behind
anti-American terrorism. Here's what Peter Bergen had to
say on the subject in his Mylroie
profile for The Washington Monthly:
And it appears that Paul
Wolfowitz himself was instrumental in the genesis of Study of
Revenge: His then-wife is credited with having
"fundamentally shaped the book," while of Wolfowitz,
she says: "At critical times, he provided crucial support
for a project that is inherently difficult." . . .
According to Bob Woodward's book Bush at War, immediately after
9/11 Wolfowitz told the cabinet: "There was a 10 to 50 per
cent chance Saddam was involved." A few days later,
President Bush told his top aides: "I believe that Iraq was
involved, but I'm not going to strike them now." However,
the most comprehensive criminal investigation in
history--involving chasing down 500,000 leads and interviewing
175,000 people--has turned up no evidence of Iraq's involvement,
while the occupation of Iraq by a substantial American army has
also uncovered no such link. . . . Wolfowitz gushingly blurbed
Study of Revenge: "[Her] provocative and disturbing book
argues that…Ramzi Yousef, was in fact an agent of Iraqi
intelligence. If so, what would that tell us about the extent of
Saddam Hussein's ambitions? How would it change our view of
Iraq's continuing efforts to retain weapons of mass destruction
and to acquire new ones? How would it affect our judgments about
the collapse of U.S. policy toward Iraq and the need for a
fundamentally new policy?"
Digby has
more on Mylroie and her connections to Bush administration
figures. The administration's defenders are trying to have it
both ways. On the one hand, they want to rebut assertions that
they ignored al-Qaeda in favor of Iraq. On the other hand, the reason
they ignored al-Qaeda in favor of Iraq is that they genuinely
believed Iraq was a more pressing threat and they want to
defend that assessment, too. But it's either one or the
other..."
Daily
Howler:
"...Here are four of Clarke’s
“controversial” charges, along with the supporting material
from Woodward’s much-loved book...
...read Woodward—same day:
WOODWARD (page 49):
Rumsfeld raised the question of Iraq. Why shouldn’t we go
against Iraq, not just al Qaeda? he asked. Rumsfeld was speaking
not only for himself when he raised the question. His deputy,
Paul D. Wolfowitz, was committed to a policy that would make
Iraq a principal target in the first round of the war on
terrorism.
Not that there was anything wrong with it,
but that’s what Woodward records! Indeed, Woodward
shows Cheney voicing a similar view:
WOODWARD (page 43):
“To the extent we define our task broadly,” Cheney said [at
a 9/12 NSC meeting], “including those who support terrorism,
then we get at states. And it’s easier to find them than it is
to find bin Laden.”
Again, rumination on easier targets..."
Also see: Digby,
Digby,
Kevin
Drum (Washington Monthly)
|
1 |
| 36 |
Wolfowitz
for Bush
"...Given what George Tenet and Colin
Powell have said publicly about Iraqi links to al Qaeda, I just
find it hard to understand how Dick Clarke can be so dismissive
of the possibility that there were links between them..."
|
MSNBC:
"...Secretary of State Colin Powell reversed a year of
administration policy, acknowledging Thursday that he had seen
no “smoking gun [or] concrete evidence” of ties between
former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and al-Qaida..."
|
1 |
| 37 |
Frist
for Bush
"...Mr. Clarke has told two entirely
different stories under oath..."
"...[Clarke] may have lied under
oath..."
|
Pandagon:
"...Of course, he apparently told reporters a
different story:
Frist disclosed the effort to declassify Clarke's testimony in
remarks on the Senate floor, then talked with reporter. He
said he personally didn't know whether there were any
discrepancies between Clarke's two appearances.
Yes, the man accusing someone else of telling two different
stories told two different stories in the process. Amazing."
Walter
Pincus and Dana Milbank (Washington Post):
"...The most sweeping challenge to Clarke's account has
come from two Bush allies, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.)
and Fred F. Fielding, a member of the investigative panel. They
have suggested that sworn testimony Clarke gave in 2002 to a
joint congressional committee that probed intelligence failures
was at odds with his sworn testimony last month. Frist said
Clarke may have "lied under oath to the United States
Congress."
...a review of dozens of declassified citations from Clarke's
2002 testimony provides no evidence of contradiction, and White
House officials familiar with the testimony agree that any
differences are matters of emphasis, not fact. Indeed, the
declassified 838-page report of the 2002 congressional inquiry
includes many passages that appear to bolster the arguments
Clarke has made.
..The joint committee's declassified report, released last July,
contains dozens of quotations and references to Clarke's
testimony, and none appears to contradict the former White House
counterterrorism chief's testimony last month..."
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1 |
| 38 |
Frist
for Bush
"...I am troubled that someone would sell
a book, trading on their service as a government insider with
access to our nation's most valuable intelligence, in order to
profit from the suffering that this nation endured on Sept. 11,
2001..."
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Joe
Conason (Salon.com):
"...Frist displayed no such qualms
when he published
his own little tome on bioterrorism in March 2002, titled
"When Every Moment Counts: What You Need to Know About
Bioterrorism From the Senate's Only Doctor." During the
anthrax mail attacks that followed Sept. 11, he showed up almost
daily on television news programs to discuss the threat. That
allowed him to reap further publicity and royalties from public
fears by tapping out the "essential manual" that
promised to save the lives of readers and their families in the
event of a bioterror assault (for only $29.90 retail). Perhaps
the government ought to inform and protect citizens against
bioterror, but Frist immediately recognized a promising
privatization opportunity.
Republicans like Frist certainly aren't complaining about Karen
Hughes, the once and future Bush advisor and ghostwriter whose
new book, "Ten Minutes from Normal," will debut
tonight on ABC's "20/20."...
Were Frist truly concerned about profiteering from government
service and wartime agony, he might have raised his smooth voice
about those former Bush administration officials now seeking
their fortunes in Iraq. The best-known is Joe Allbaugh, who
managed the Bush-Cheney campaign four years ago, served as head
of the Federal Emergency Management Agency for a few years, and
then abruptly quit to form a new company in March 2003, just as
our troops were speeding toward Baghdad. New
Bridges, his Houston-based firm, is blatantly oriented
toward exploiting Allbaugh's crony connections to help
"companies engaging the U.S. Government process to develop
post war opportunities." In plain English, that means
obtaining a chunk of those billions in federal contracts, for a
nice fat fee..."
Frank
Rich (New York Times):
"...Soon administration emissaries went on full-court press
to chastise Mr. Clarke for promoting a self-serving book at the
height of election season. The only problem with that strategy
is that one of its creators, Mr. Bush's once and future
communications czar, Karen Hughes, was just days from starting
her current nonstop TV tour to hype her own self-serving book
about her White House tenure (9/11 included). Bill Frist, the
Senate majority leader, went even further, attacking Mr.
Clarke's book as an attempt to profiteer on his inside access
and "highly classified information." Apparently Mr.
Frist did not know that the White House itself had vetted Mr.
Clarke's book for possible security transgressions and approved
it. Nor did the senator seem to remember that he had written his
own, far cheesier post-9/11 cash-in book, "When Every
Moment Counts: What You Need to Know About Bioterrorism from the
Senate's Only Doctor." (I know it sounds like a parody, but
that's the real title.)..."
Also see Counterspin
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| 39 |
Wolfowitz
for Bush
"...By the way, I know of at least one
other instance of Mr. Clark's creative memory. Shortly after
September 11th, as part of his assertion that he had vigorously
pursued the possibility of Iraqi involvement in the 1993 World
Trade Center bombing, he wrote in a memo that, and I am quoting
here, "When the bombing happened, he focused on Iraq as the
possible culprit because of Iraqi involvement in the attempted
assassination of President Bush in Kuwait the same month,"
unquote. In fact, the attempted
assassination of President Bush happened two months later.
It just seems to be another instance where Mr.
Clarke's memory is playing tricks..."
|
Spencer
Ackerman (TNR):
"...The second point he made is demonstrably untrue.
Wolfowitz attempted to cast doubt on Clarke's credibility by
saying that Clarke, in the aftermath of the 1993 Trade Center
bombing, himself believed the theory that Iraq was responsible,
because Iraq had tried to assassinate the first President Bush.
Well, Wolfowitz smugly noted, the assassination attempt occurred
a few months after the bombing. So, he implied--and the
implication hung in the air--Clarke can't even get his story
straight.
Only that's not even close to what Clarke wrote. Clarke never
bought the theory of Iraqi responsibility for the 1993 bombing,
nor does he ever suggest that he does. The closest that he comes
is in this sentence, on page 96: "More than anyone, I wanted
the World Trade Center attack to be an Iraqi operation so we
could justify reopening the war with Iraq--but there was no good
evidence leading to Baghdad's culpability." And he never,
ever writes that he contemporaneously connected the World Trade
Center bombing with Saddam due to the attempted hit on Bush 41.
He writes clearly that bombing took place in February 1993
("Within two weeks of the bombing ... Muhammad Salahme was
arrested while seeking his deposit at the Ryder office on March
4," p.78) and that "one Sunday in April"
[p.80, my emphasis] Clarke took note of a report of the
attempted assassination. He never for a moment suggests that the
latter event influenced his thinking on the former..."
|
None assigned. It is
not clear that Ackerman is clearly rebutting what Wolfowitz
said, but I am holding on to this pending more information. |
1. Now
some of you might wonder where this University is located - so, it is
appropriate to make it clear right here that this is not a real University - it
is only a hypothetical institute of lower higher learning.
2. I sometimes prefer to truncate the
words Compassionate Conservative to Compassion Con. There is no intent
here to imply anything significant by this (at least anything more than
is commonly understood). I reserve all moral clarity rights to the use
of this term. One Compassion Con credit is assigned to every instance of
compassion (i.e., misleading, deceptive or inaccurate statement or
outright lie/mendacity).
3.
Note that Compassionate statements made by Mr. Bush's spokespersons,
advisers or appointees - speaking clearly on behalf of Mr. Bush - are
considered as being supported by Mr. Bush, absent a public statement to
the contrary.
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